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\begin{center}
{\Large\bf {The rapid evolution of scholarly communication}}
\bigskip \\
Andrew Odlyzko \\
AT\&T Labs - Research \smallskip \\
amo@research.att.com \\
http://www.research.att.com/$\sim$amo \smallskip \\
Revised version, May 6, 2001 \\

\vspace*{2\baselineskip}

{\bf Abstract} \\
\end{center}

\setlength{\baselineskip}{1.5\baselineskip}

Traditional journals, even
those available electronically, are changing slowly.  
However, there is
rapid evolution in scholarly communication.
Usage is moving to electronic formats.
In some areas, it appears that
electronic versions of papers are being read about as often as
the printed journal versions.  Although there are serious
difficulties in comparing figures from different media, the 
growth rates in usage of electronic scholarly information
are sufficiently high that if they continue for a few years,
there will be no doubt that print versions will be eclipsed.
Further, much of the electronic information that is accessed is outside
the formal scholarly publication process.
There is also vigorous growth in forms of electronic communication
that take advantage of the unique capabilities of the Web, and
which simply do not fit into the traditional journal publishing
format.

This paper presents some statistics on usage of print and
electronic information.  It also discusses some preliminary 
evidence about the changing patterns of usage.  It appears
that much of the online usage comes from new readers (esoteric 
research papers assigned in undergraduate classes, for example) 
and often from places that do not have access to print journals.
Also, the reactions to even slight barriers to usage suggest
that even high quality scholarly papers are not irreplaceable.
% is seldom of crucial importance.  
Readers are faced with a ``river of
knowledge'' that allows them to select among a multitude
of sources, and to find near substitutes when necessary.
To stay relevant, scholars, publishers, and librarians
will have to make even larger efforts to make their material
easily accessible.

\section{Introduction}
Traditional journals and libraries have been vital components of
scholarly communication.  They are evolving, but slowly.
The reasons for this are discussed briefly in Section 2 and, in
more detail, in \cite{Odlyzko3}.
The danger is that they might be rapidly losing their value, and could become
irrelevant.

At first sight, there seems little cause for concern.
Print journal subscriptions are declining, but gradually.
One often hears of attrition in subscriptions of 3-5\% per year.  
(For example, the American Physical Society, with high quality
and relatively inexpensive journals, has seen a steady decrease
of about 3\% per year \cite{Lustig}.)
At those rates, it takes between 14 and 24 years to
lose half the circulation.  On Internet time, that is almost
an eternity.
Preprints in most areas are still a small fraction of
what gets published.  Also, library usage is sometimes reported as
declining, but again at modest rates.  (For circulation figures
for major research libraries in the U.S., see \cite{ARL}.)
Yet these are not reasons for
complacency.  Why should there be any declines at all?  Ours is an
Information Age; the number of people getting college and postgraduate
education is growing rapidly, spending on R\&D and implementation of
new technologies is skyrocketing.  Why should established journal
subscriptions be dropping, and why should many of the recent
specialized journals be regarded as successes if they reach a
circulation of 300?  Why should many research monographs be printed in
runs smaller than the roughly 500 copies
of the first edition of Copernicus' {\em De
revolutionibus orbium coelestium} of 1543?

My conclusion is that the current scholarly information system is badly
flawed, and that it does not provide the services that are required.
This paper presents evidence that there is indeed a growing
demand for high quality scholarly information, and that it can only be
satisfied through easy availability on the Web.

The important study \cite{TenopirKHMRS} does show that
electronic resources are playing an increasing role, but 
current usage by established scholars is dominated by
traditional media.  However,
it is important to look at growth rates rather than absolute numbers.
In an early-1999 discussion in a librarians' mailing list, somebody pointed
out that in 1998, only 20\% of the astronomy papers were submitted to
Ginsparg's xxx paper archive (now called the arXiv,
$\langle$http://www.arxiv.org$\rangle$.  An immediate rejoinder from another
participant was that while this was true, the corresponding percentage
was around 7\% in 1995.  It is growth rates that tell us what is in our
future.  

This paper is only a brief attempt at finding patterns in 
usage of online information.  What we need are careful studies,
such as have been carried out for print media.  (An excellent 
and up-to-date survey of those is presented in \cite{TenopirK}.
See also a brief summary in \cite{KingT}.)
At the moment, we don't even have much data about usage patterns online.
This is especially regrettable since these patterns appear
to be in the midst of substantial changes.
Although the Web in principle makes it possible to provide
extremely detailed information about usage (and this has
led to numerous privacy concerns), in practice there is
little data collection and analysis, especially in scholarly
publishing.  Even when data is collected, it is seldom released.
Thus one purpose in writing the initial draft of this
paper was to stimulate further collection
and dissemination of usage data.  
The main purpose, though,
was to look for patterns even with the scanty data
that I was able to collect, to provide a starting point
for further research.

Fortunately, many new studies of electronic resources
have appeared very recently.  Some of the notable ones
are \cite{AndersonSKO, Guthrie, Hunter, Lawrence, Luther, TenopirKHMRS}.
They will be referenced later.  In general, they do support most
of the theses of this paper.

Some of the early studies of electronic usage, such as
that in the interesting paper \cite{Lenares}, concentrated
on faculty at leading research institutions.
Change might be expected to
be slow in such places.  Although they usually have the
resources to be pioneers, they have little incentive for
it, since they do possess good libraries.  The evidence
to be presented later shows that the current system neglects
the needs of growing ranks of scholars who are not at
such institutions.  Thus it is better to concentrate
on usage of information that is freely available over
the Internet. 

Later sections discuss in detail some statistics as well as some
qualitative measures of usage of online resources.  
Here are some tentative conclusions:

(a)  Usage of online scholarly material is growing rapidly, and in some
cases already appears to
surpass the usage one could expect to see in traditional print
journals.  Much of the online usage appears to come from new readers
(esoteric research papers assigned in undergraduate classes, for
example) and often from places that do not have access to print
journals.  Evidence can be found in \cite{Guthrie, Luther}, for
example, and in later sections of this paper.

(b)  We can expect the growth of online material to accelerate,
especially as the information about usage patterns becomes widely
known.  Until recently, scholars did not have much of an incentive for
putting their works on the Web, as this did not create many new
readers.  While we can expect that snobbery will retard this step (``I
can reach the dozen top experts in my field by publishing in Physical
Review Letters, or
by sending them my preprint directly, why do I care about the great
unwashed?''), the attraction of a much greater audience on the Web, and
the danger that anything not on the Web will be neglected, are likely
to become major spurs to scholars' migration of their works online.
For example, the recent study \cite{Lawrence} shows that
papers in computer science that are freely available online
are cited much more frequently than others.
(The paper
\cite{AndersonSKO} might appear to suggest the opposite,
since free online availability there was associated with lower citation
frequency.  However, that result is likely anomalous, in that
the freely available online-only articles in the journal under study
were apparently perceived widely, even if incorrectly, as of inferior quality.)

(c)  The need for traditional peer review is overrated.  
The paper \cite{Odlyzko1} had extensive discussion of the inadequacy of
conventional peer review, and how much more useful forms were likely
to evolve on the Internet.  (That paper was written before the
ascendancy of the Web.)  While open review and comments on published
papers have been slow to take hold, something else is going on.
People are coming to my Web page in large numbers looking for specific
papers.  While in almost all cases I do not know what brings them
there, it is pretty clear that they are getting pointers to the
material from a variety of sources, such as bibliographies and
references on other home pages.  It is a form of peer review, and 
it brings many readers even for papers published in obscure and
unrefereed places.

(d)  Concerns about information overload and chaos on the Net are
exaggerated.  While better organization of the material would surely
be desirable, people are finding their way to the serious information
sources in growing numbers as is.

(e)  Ease of access and ease of use are paramount.  Material on the Web
is growing, and scholars, like the commercial content producers, are
engaged in a ``war for the eyeballs.''  Readers will settle for inferior
forms of papers if those are the ones that can be reached easily.

(f)  Novel forms of scholarly communication are evolving that are
outside the boundaries of traditional journals.

These conclusions and predictions are supported by data
in the rest of this paper.  It does appear that while journals
are not changing fast, 
scholarly communication as a whole is evolving rapidly.




\section{Rates of technological change}
The conventional notion of ``Internet time,'' in which
technological change is accelerated tremendously, is a myth.  
Rapid change does occur occasionally,
and the adoption of Web browsers is frequently cited as
an example.  Less
than 18 months after the release of the first preliminary version
of the Mosaic browser, Web transmissions constituted more than
half of Internet traffic.  However, this was a singular exception.
Cell phones, faxes, and ATM machines took much longer to spread.
Even on the Internet, new systems are usually adopted 
much more slowly.  How come IPv6 is still basically invisible?
Why is HTTP1.1 spreading so slowly?
How about TeX and its various dialects (which go
back more than two decades)?  Even email took a while
to diffuse, even at universities.  The Internet has changed much,
but it has not made for a dramatic increase in the pace
at which new technologies diffuse.  A typical time scale
for significant changes is still on the order of a decade.
This was noted a long time ago:
\begin{quote}
A modern maxim says:  ``People tend to overestimate what can be
done in one year and to underestimate what can be done in five
or ten years.''

\hspace*{+3in}(footnote on p.  17 of \cite{Licklider})
\end{quote}
Further discussion of rates of change is available in
\cite{Odlyzko3}, which presents many examples (such as music CDs,
ATM machines, credit cards, and cell phones) supporting
the thesis that consumer adoption of new technologies
is slow.  (For more evidence, see also \cite{Klopfenstein} and the
references there.)  Thus we should not be surprised
if electronic scholarly communication does not turn
on a dime. 

The rare rapid adoptions of new technologies (aside from unusual
situation such as that of the Web) appear to be associated
with the presence of forcing agents that can compel rapid change \cite{Odlyzko3}.
On the other hand, sociological changes tend to be very slow,
taking a generation or two.  

Aside from simply observing that historically, new
technologies have been taking on the order of a decade to
be widely adopted, one can also build quantitative models
that explain this time scale.  Suppose we have two
competing or nearly competing services, $A$ and $B$.
Suppose usage of $A$ is static, while that of $B$ increases at
50 to 100 percent per year, which in the business
world definitely qualifies as spectacular growth. 
One can easily imagine that $B$ might not be noticed
until its usage reaches 1 percent that of the established
service $A$.  From the moment that 1 percent threshold is
reached, even at growth rates of 50 to 100 percent per year, 
it will take between 7 and 14 years before $B$ reaches
parity with $A$.

Usage of electronic forms of scholarly information has
typically been growing at 50 to 100 percent per year,
as is shown in various tables in this paper.  On the
other hand, print usage has shown little change, as
far as anyone can tell.  Thus the simple model above
tells us that a decade is about the length of time
we should expect for new modes of electronic communication
to become dominant, if current growth rates continue.





\section{Disruptive technologies}
Clayton Christensen's book \cite{Christensen} has become a modern
classic.  It helps explain the failure of successful
organizations, such as {\em Encyclopaedia Britannica,} to adopt
new technologies.  The example of the {\em Britannica,} cited in 
\cite{Odlyzko1,Odlyzko4}, is very instructive.  It was and remains
the most scholarly of the English-language encyclopedias.
However, it could not cope with the challenges posed first by
inexpensive CD-ROM encyclopedias, and more recently by the Web.

What Christensen calls disruptive
technologies tend to have three important characteristics:
\begin{itemize}
\item
initially underperform established products 
\item
enable new applications for new customers 
\item
performance improves rapidly
\end{itemize}
Electronic publishing has these characteristics.
Little material was available initially, screen resolution
was poor, printers were not widely available and expensive,
and so on.  However, online material was easy to locate and
access, and could provide novel features, such as the constant
updating of the genome database.  Moreover, costs, quality,
and availability have all been improving rapidly.
(It should be noted that print also had these characteristics
when compared with hand-written manuscripts, cf. \cite{O'Donnell,Trithemius})
That is why direct comparisons of traditional journals or libraries
with electronic collections are not directly relevant.  For example,
the 1998 paper \cite{StevensRB} is effective in demonstrating that the Web
at that time could not substitute for a regular library.  It
still can't, even in 2000.  However, that is not the relevant
question.

The mainframe was not dethroned by the PC directly.  The PC
could not do most of the tasks of the big machines in areas
such as payroll processing.  The computing
power of the mainframes sold each year is still increasing, and
has been increasing all along, even when IBM was going through
its traumatic downsizing in the early 1990s.
It's just that the PC market has been growing much faster, and the
mainframe has been consigned to a small niche, and the revenues from
that niche have been declining.  I think this is a useful analogy to
keep in mind.  Traditional journals and libraries are still playing a
vital role, but, to quote from \cite{Odlyzko3},
``... journals are not where the interesting action is.''
The real issue is that, to quote \cite{StevensRB}, ``in this new electronic
age, if it isn't on-line, for many purposes it might as well
not exist.''  Further, even if it is online, it might not matter
if it is not easy to acces or is not timely.





\section{Effects of barriers to use}
Even small barriers to access reduce usage significantly.
There are some wonderful
statistics collected by Don King and his collaborators (see 
\cite{GriffithsK} and Fig. 9.4 on p. 202 of \cite{Lesk2}, reproduced
from \cite{GriffithsK}) which show
that as the physical distance to a library increases, usage decreases
dramatically.  A recent statistical tidbit of a similar nature that I
have collected is the reaction of the mathematicians at Penn State
when all journal issues published before 1973 had to be sent to
off-site storage because of space limitations.  This move was widely
disliked, even though any volume can be obtained within one day.  The
interesting thing is that the mathematical research community of about
200 faculty, visitors, and graduate students asks for only about 850
items to be recalled from storage per year.  That is just over 4 items per
person per year.  It seems likely (based on extrapolotions from
circulation figures for bounds journals that are immediately available
on shelves) that usage of this material was much
higher when it was easily accessible in the library in their building.

When subscriptions to journals are canceled, articles from those
journals are obtained through interlibrary loans or document delivery
services.  Some libraries (Louisiana State University's perhaps most
prominent among them) have consciously decided to replace journal
subscriptions with document delivery, after making a calculation of
how much the journals cost per article read.  While I do not have
comprehensive statistics, my impression is that such moves save more
than preliminary computations suggest.  The dirty little secret behind
this phenomenon
is that usage of document delivery services is lower than that of
journals available right on the spot.  Having to fill out a request
form and wait a day or a week reduces demand.

Librarians have known for a long time that ease of use is
crucial.  They experienced this with card catalogs, where 
materials whose catalog entries were left in the paper card
catalogs
were not being used.  Thus the current shift towards online
usage had been anticipated. 
\begin{quote}
... there's a sense in which the
journal articles prior to the inception of that electronic abstracting and
indexing database may as well not exist, because they are so difficult to
find. Now that we are starting to see, in libraries, full-text showing up
online, I think we are very shortly going to cross a sort of critical mass
boundary where those publications that are not instantly available in
full-text will become kind of second-rate in a sense, not because their
quality is low, but just because people will prefer the accessibility of
things they can get right away.

\hspace*{+3in}Clifford Lynch, 1997 \\
\hspace*{+3in}quoted in \cite{StevensRB}
\end{quote}
Today, we have evidence than Clifford Lynch
was correct.
Note that {\em Encyclopaedia
Britannica} has been a victim of this trend.  Being the best
did not protect it.

The shift to online usage is exposing many of the limitations of
the traditional system.  Research libraries are wonderful
institutions.  They do provide the best service that was
possible with print technology.  However, in today's environment,
that is not enough.  Most printed scholarly papers are available
typically in something like 1,000 research libraries.  Those
libraries are accessible to a decreasing fraction of the
growing population of educated people who need them.  Further,
even for those scholars fortunate to be at an institution 
with a good library, the sizes of the collections are making
material harder to access.  Hours of availability are
limited.  Also, studies have shown that even when a book
that is searched for is in a given library's collection,
in about 40\% of the cases it cannot be found when needed
(see endnote \#10 to Chapter 2 of \cite{Buckland} for references).   

The basic problem, of course, is that it is impossible in 
the print world to make everything easily accessible even
in the best library in the world.  Space constraints mean
that some material will be far from the user.  In practice,
most libraries can store only a tiny fraction of the
material that might be of interest to their patrons.
While they have been careful about selecting what seemed
to be most relevant, experience shows that when easy electronic access
is provided to large bodies of material not normally available
in the library, there is demand for it \cite{BensmanW, Luther}.
That is a major factor propelling the move towards
bundling of electronic journal offerings and consortium
pricing \cite{Odlyzko4}.

The easy access to online resources is leading to increasing
usage, as will be discussed later, and is also documented
in \cite{AndersonSKO, GazzaleM, Guthrie, Luther}.  But not
all online accesses are equal.  Many scholars (including
myself) use Amazon.com's search page as a first choice in
doing bibliographic searches for recent books, since it
is more user-friendly than the electronic catalogs of
the Library of Congress, say.  ``Both Academic Press and 
the American Institute of Physics (AIP) noted that they 
experienced surges in usage
after they introduced new platforms that simplified navigation
and access'' \cite{Luther}.

Ease of use has an important bearing on pricing.
The paper \cite{Odlyzko1} predicted that pay-per-view
was likely doomed to fail in scholarly publishing,
because of its deterrent effect on usage.  (More evidence
and arguments supporting that prediction was developed 
in \cite{FishburnOS, Odlyzko6}.)  Publishers have now
(after experiments with PEAK and other pricing models)
moved to this view as well.  For example, \cite{Hunter} states
that
\begin{quote}
[Elsevier's] goal is to give people access to as much 
information as possible on a flat fee. unlimited use
basis.  [Elsevier's] experience has been that as soon
as the usage is metered on a per-article basis, there
is an inhibition on use or a concern about exceeding
some budget allocation.
\end{quote}
Similarly, ``Philosophically, Academic Press is opposed to a business
model in which charges increase with use because it discourages use''
\cite{Luther}.  

Easy access implies not only greater use,
but also changing patterns of use.  For example,
a recent news story \cite{Kolata} discussed how the Internet is
altering the doctor-patient relationship.  The example that
opens that story is of a lady who is reluctantly told by the doctor she
might have lupus, and leaves the clinic terrified of what this
might be.  She then proceeds to obtain information about this
disease from the Internet.  When she returns to see a physician
(a different one, a more pleasant one),
she is well-informed and prepared to question the diagnosis and possible
treatment.  What is remarkable about this story is that the basic
approach of this patient was feasible
before the arrival of the Web.  She could have gone to her
local library, where the reference librarians would have been
delighted to point her to many excellent print sources of
medical information.  However, few people availed themselves
of such opportunities before.  Now, with the easy availability
of the Web, we see a different story.  

The arguments about effects of barriers to access and of
lowering such barriers suggest that scholarly communication
will undergo substantial changes.  We should expect to see
greater use of online material.  We should also see much
greater use of it by people outside the narrow disciplinary areas
that produce it.  Much of this use will come from outside
the traditional academic and research institutions, but
a considerable fraction is likely to come from other departments
within an institution.  Further, the increasing volume of material,
as well as the decreasing role of traditional peer review,
are likely to lead to greater demand
for survey and handbook material.  With lower barriers to
interactions and access to specialized literature, we
should also see more interdisciplinary work.





\section{Scholarly information as a commodity}
Authors like to think of their articles as precious resources that are
absolutely unique and for which no substitutes can be found.  Yet a
more accurate picture is that any one article is just one item in a
river of knowledge, and that this river is growing.  Substitutes
exist for almost everything.  Some people interested in Fermat's Last
Theorem will want, for historical or other reasons, to see Andrew Wiles'
original paper \cite{Wiles}.  
Many others will be happy with a reference to where
and when that paper was published, and others will be satisfied with
various popular accounts of the proof.  Even those interested in the
technical details will often be satisfied with (and often be better
server by) other presentations, such as that in the Darmon, Diamond,
and Taylor account of the proof \cite{DarmonDT}.

Thinking about a river of knowledge instead of a collection of unique
and irreplaceable nuggets helps explain why scholars manage to
function even with a badly flawed information system.  
Even though in 40\% of the cases, a desired book cannot be
retrieved, usually some other book covering the same topic can
be found.
Spending on libraries by research universities is correlated most
strongly with the total budgets, and very weakly with the quality.  
Harvard spends about \$70 million per year on its libraries,
verus \$25 million for Princeton.  Yet would anyone claim that
a Harvard education or scholarly output is almost three times as good as
that of Princeton?

The Internet is reducing the costs of production and distribution
of information.  As a result, there is a flood of material.
Much is of low quality, but a substantial fraction is very good.
The question is, are scholars using it?  Before looking
at that question, let us consider usage of print material.

% The general conclusion is that the value of even very important
% scholarly material depends on its easy accessibility.  Nothing is as
% easy to access as works available for free in convenient formats on
% the Web, and so it should be expected that such material would be used
% widely.  The question is, is it?


\section{Usage of print journals}
We are fortunate to have an excellent recent survey of usage of print
journals in the book of Carol Tenopir and Don King \cite{TenopirK}.
(A summary is presented in \cite{KingT}.)  It shows that
a typical technical paper is read (defined
as not necessarily reading it carefully, but going beyond just
glancing at the title and abstract) between 500 and 1500 times.
These readings average about one hour in length, and in about
half the cases represent the reader's first encounter with
an article.

\begin{table}[htb]
Table 1.  Library of Congress electronic resource usage statistics.
For each month, shows total volume of material sent out that month,
in gigabytes, and the number of requests.

$$
\begin{array}{cr@{}lr@{}l}
\mbox{month} & \multicolumn{2}{c}{\mbox{~GB}} & \multicolumn{2}{c}{\mbox{requests}} \\
& & &\multicolumn{2}{c}{\mbox{(millions)}} \\ [+.1in]
\mbox{Feb. 1995} & 14&.0 & 1&.1 \\
\mbox{Feb. 1996} & 31&.2 & 3&.9 \\
\mbox{Feb. 1997} & 109&.4 & ~~~15&.1 \\
\mbox{Feb. 1998} & 282&.0 & 36&.0\\
\mbox{Feb. 1999} & 535&.0 & 48&.6 \\
\mbox{Feb. 2000} & 741&.1 & 61&.3 \\
\mbox{Feb 2001} & 1202&.6 & 86&.7
\end{array}
$$
\end{table}


The estimate of 500 to 1500 readings per article 
is much higher number than some earlier studies had
come up with.  It is based on careful studies, though.
Those studies have biases that may raise the reading
estimates above the true value.  For example, they
are based on self-reporting by technical professionals,
who may overestimate their readings.  (People usually
report eating less chocolate and more salad than
they actually consume.)  Further, those figures 
include articles in technical journals with large
circulations (such as {\em Science}, {\em Nature},
and {\em IEEE Spectrum}) that are not typical of
library holdings.  
If one considers library usage studies, such as those
that have been carried out at the University of Wisconsin in
Madison ($\langle$http://www.wisc.edu/wendt/journals/costben.html$\rangle$), 
one comes up with somewhat lower estimates for
the number of readings per paper.
Still, the basic conclusion
that a typical technical paper is read several hundred
times appears valid.

The studies reported in \cite{TenopirK} also show that in
the print world, articles are usually read mostly in
the first half a year after publication.  Afterwards,
usage drops off rapidly.




\section{Growth in usage of electronic information}
The Internet is growing rapidly.  
Typical growth rates, whether of bytes of traffic on
backbones, or of hosts, are on the order of 100\% 
per year \cite{CoffmanO, Odlyzko5}.  
When one looks at usage of scholarly information
online, typical growth rates are in the 50 to 100\% range.
For example, Table 1 shows the utilization of the online
resources of the Library of Congress.  Growth was about
100\% per year for four years, and then, in 1999, it slowed
down to 38\%.  It then increased to 62\% in 2000.
(These growth rates are for bytes transmitted.)
Table 2 shows downloads from the AT\&T Labs - Research Web site,
$\langle$http://www.research.att.com/$\rangle$,
which contains a variety of papers, software, data, and other
technical information.  The growth rate there has been around 
50\% per year for several years, but between 2000 and 2001, it
jumped to over 120\%.

\begin{table}[htb]
Table 2.  AT\&T Labs - Research external Web server statistics.
Excludes most crawler activity.  Number of hosts for Jan. 1997 is
an estimate.

$$
\begin{array}{crrl}
\mbox{month} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{\mbox{requests}} & \multicolumn{2}{c}{\mbox{~~~hosts}} \\ [+.1in]
\mbox{Jan. 1997} & 542,644 & 17,886\\
\mbox{Jan. 1998} & 754,477 &  35,943\\
\mbox{Jan. 1999} & 1,204,664 &  67,191\\
\mbox{Jan. 2000} & 1,843,319 & 100,077\\
\mbox{Jan. 2001} & 4,190,362 & 178,923\\
\end{array}
$$
\end{table}


It is hard to measure online activity accurately.  The earliest
and still widely used measure is that of ``hits,'' or requests
for a file.  Unfortunately, with the growth of complicated pages,
that measure is harder to evaluate.  When possible,
I prefer to look at full article downloads.  (That will be
the measure discussed in sections 9 and 10 below.)  Finally,
as a conservative measure, one can look at the number of hosts
(unique IP addresses) that requested information from a server.
Even then, there are considerable uncertainties.  The same
person may send requests from several hosts.  On the other
hand, common employment of proxies and caches means that many people
may hide behind a single host address, and a single download
may lead to multiple users obtaining copies (as happens
when papers are forwarded via email as well).

In addition to the uncertainties in interpreting the activity
seen at a server, it is hard to compare data from different
servers.  Logs are set to record different things, and
some Web pages are much more complicated than others that
have the same or equivalent content.
Thus comparing different measures of online activity is of necessity
like comparing apples, oranges, pears, bananas, and onions.
Some of the difficulties of such comparisons can be avoided
by concentrating on rates of growth.  If online
information access is growing much faster than usage of print
material, it will eventually dominate.


\begin{table}[htb]
\begin{center}
Table 3.  Visits to Leslie Lamport's Temporal Logic of Actions Web page (approximate counts).
\end{center}

$$
\begin{array}{crrl}
\mbox{year} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{\mbox{visits}} & \multicolumn{2}{c}{\mbox{hosts}} \\ [+.1in]
\mbox{1996}&   18,800&      5,300& \\
\mbox{1997}&   19,000&      5,600& \\
\mbox{1998}&   18,400&     5,300 \\
\mbox{1999}&   31,100&     8,000 \\
\mbox{2000}&   33,500&     8,000
\end{array}
$$
\end{table}



Some measures of electronic information usage are showing signs
of decreasing growth, or even stability.
For example, Table 3 shows utilization of Leslie Lamport's page
devoted to material about a logic for specifying and reasoning
about concurrent and reactive systems,
$\langle$http://www.research.digital.com/SRC/tla/$\rangle$.  
Usage had been pretty
stable in 1996 through 1998.  When I corresponded with him
about this in 1999, he thought usage had reached a steady
state, with the entire community interested in this esoteric technical 
subject already accessing the page as much as they would ever
need to do.  However, the final count for 1999 showed a substantial
increase.

The next few sections discuss data about several online information
sources that are freely available on the Internet.



\section{Electronic journals and other organized databases}
Some reports are already available on the dramatic increase in usage
of scholarly information that is easily available.  Traditionally,
theses and dissertations have been practically invisible, and
were used primarily within the institution where they were
written, and even there, they were not accessed frequently.
Free access to digital versions is now leading to an
upsurge in usage, as is described in \cite{McMillanFE}.

In the remainder of this section, as
a first approximation, I will equate a full article download with a
reading as measured by Don King and his collaborators.  

The entire 
American Mathematical Society
e-math system was running at about 1.2 million ``hits'' per
month in early 1999.  
The Ginsparg archive (arXive) at Los Alamos
was getting about 2 million hits per month.  
The netlib system of Jack Dongarra and
Eric Grosse was at about 2.5 million hits per month.

For detailed statistics on usage and growth of JSTOR,
see \cite{Guthrie}.  By the end of 1999, its usage was
several million a month, whether one counts hits or
full article downloads, and was growing at over 100\% per
year.

The Brazilian SciELO (Scientific Electronic Library Online) project,
\linebreak
$\langle$http://www.scielo.br/scielo/scielo-an.htm$\rangle$,
started out in early 1998.  It appears to be still going through 
the initial period of explosive growth, with the number of pages
transmitted growing from 4,943 in January 1999 to 63,695 a year later. 
(67,143 hosts requested pages in 1999, so it was not just a small
group of users who were involved.)  It is too early to tell about
how fast it will continue to grow, but it seems worth listing
this project to show that even the less industrialized countries
are participating in making literature freely available.

Paul Ginsparg's arXive had about 100,000 papers in early 1999, and was
running at a rate of about 7 million full article downloads per year.  Thus
on average each article was downloaded about 70 times per year.
Further, these download statistics were just for the main Los Alamos
server.  If we assume that the more than a dozen mirrors collectively
see as much activity as the main server, then we get a download rate
of about 140 times per year per article.  This is misleading, though,
since it mixes old and new papers, which have different utilization
patterns.

If we look at download activity for arXiv articles as a function of
time, we find (extrapolating very freely from data kindly
supplied by Paul Ginsparg)
that on average an article gets downloaded around 150 times
within one year of its submission, and then 20 to 30 times a year in
subsequent years.  (In particular, even articles submitted around 1991
get downloaded that often.  This is different from the pattern
observed by King and other for printed journal articles.  Those are
read primarily in the six months after publication, and then the
frequency with which they are accessed decreases.)  Since
this again covers just the main server, we probably should again
multiply these numbers by two to get total activity.  If we do that,
we get into the range of readings per article that established
journals experience.

The Electronic Journal of Combinatorics had published about 200
articles by early 1999, and had about 30,000 full article 
downloads from its main
site each year.  That is an average of 150 downloads per article.
Multiplying that by two to account for the many mirror sites again
gets us to about 300 downloads per article per year.  (Data about
distribution of downloads with time is not available.)

The general impression from the statistics quoted above is that
articles in electronic archives and electronic journals may not yet be
read as frequently as printed journal articles, but are getting close.
On the other hand, some online sources appear to be used
much more frequently than they would be in print.




\section{{\em First Monday}}
Additional evidence that online access changes scholars'
reading patterns is provided by {\em First Monday,} "the peer-reviewed
journal of the Internet," $\langle$http://firstmonday.org$\rangle$.  
Issues are made
freely available on the first Monday of each month.  {\em First Monday}
started publication in May 1996.  There are about 3,600 subscribers to the
email notification service.

{\em First Monday} has provided me with access to the logs of their
U.S. Web server from January
1999 through February 2000.  (The data for January 1999 is 
incomplete, since the main server was then in transition from Denmark
to the U.S.)  This is not sufficient for
a careful statistical study, but some interesting patterns can
be discerned in the data.

Over this period, the number of full paper downloads has grown
from a range of 50,000 to 60,000 per month in early 1999, to between
110,000 and 120,000 per month in early 2000.  
Distinct hosts requesting articles
have increased from 12-15,000 to over 20,000 each month.  
Thus the growth rate has been close to the 100\% that we have seen
occurs frequently on the Internet.  Since
there are only 3,600 subscribers, this suggests many others learn
of the material through word of mouth, email, or other methods.

In a typical month, the largest number of downloads is to articles
from that month's issue.  In subsequent months, accesses to that
issue drop in a pattern similar to that found by Don King in his
studies of print journals.  Half a year later, downloads are usually
down to a quarter or even a sixth of the first month's rate.  At that stage,
though, the story changes.  Whereas for print journals, usage
continues to decrease with time, for {\em First Monday} it appears to
increase.  For example, there were 9,064 full article downloads
from all the 1997 issues in February 1999, and 19,378 in February 2000.
Thus accesses to the 1997 issues kept pace with the general growth
of usage.  Of the articles that were most frequently downloaded 
in 1999, 6 of the top 10 were published in previous years!
This supports the thesis that easy online access leads to
much wider usage of older materials.




\section{My personal Web page}
Table 2 shows the statistics of the AT\&T Labs - Research
external Web server,
\linebreak
$\langle$www.research.att.com$\rangle$.
My personal Web page,
$\langle$http://www.research.att.com/$\sim$amo$\rangle$,
has also seen very rapid growth in usage.
However, it is hard to discuss it meaningfully in a short
space, since
most of the growth came from new papers in new areas.
(The most frequently accessed papers on my home page are
those on data networks.  Then come papers on electronic
publishing and electronic commerce.  Those are followed
by papers on cryptography, and the esoteric mathematics
papers are last in frequency of access.)  Instead, I will discuss
some impressions from the usage patterns that I observe.

During January 2000, there were 10,360 ``hits'' from 1,808
hosts on my home page, excluding .gif files, and hits from
obvious crawlers.  Most of these 1,808 hosts only looked
at various index files.  If we exclude those, as well as
the ones that downloaded only my cv or only abstracts of papers.
we are left with 656 hosts that downloaded 1,198 full copies
of articles.  Of those 656 hosts, 494 downloaded just a single
paper.  Many of those 494 requested a specific URL for an
article (as opposed to looking at the home page for pointers)
and then disappeared.  Thus on average the people who
visited my home page seemed to know what they were looking for, got
it, and moved on.

Visitors to my Web page were remarkably quiet
in the face of some obvious faults.  Many of the papers posted on that
page, especially old ones, are incomplete, in that they are early
versions, and usually do not have figures that are present in the
printed versions.  Still, that occasions few complaints.  As one
example, about a year ago,
a posting to a number theory mailing list
resulted in 152 downloads of a paper
in the space of less than two weeks.  However, only one person
complained about the lack of figures in the Web version, even though
they are very helpful in visualizing the behavior shown in the paper.

Another anecdotal piece of evidence of what happens on the Web:
Several times I have encountered people who told me that they were
really glad to meet me, as they had read my papers in one area or
another, and benefited from them.  Moreover, conversation showed that
they indeed were familiar with the papers in question.  However, they
also told me that they had lost the URL, and would I please remind
them where my home page was?  Now it is pretty easy to find my home
page on the Web (my name is not a particularly common one), yet they
obviously did not find it necessary to bother doing it.  This, as well
as the situation in the paragraph above, suggests a world of plenty.
People are guided to Web pages by a variety of cues, get
whatever they can from those pages, and move on to other things.  It
is not a world of a few precious treasures that have no substitutes.

The importance of
making material easily available was demonstrated in a very
graphic form when I made .pdf versions of my technical papers available
in April 1998.  There was an immediate jump in the rate of downloads.
(Prior to that, mathematical papers
were available only in .ps and .tex formats, the ones on
electronic publishing and related topics in .ps and straight text.)
Most PC owners do not have easy access to tools for reading .ps papers,
and were apparently bypassing the available material that required
extra effort from them for reading.
This is similar to observations of Academic Press and the
American Institute of Physics \cite{Luther} that better
interfaces lead to higher usage.

The temporal pattern of article usage on my Web page shows 
the behavior that was already noted for arXiv and for {\em First Monday.}
(As a matter of chronology, it was the observation about access
patterns to my papers that led me to investigate the question
in other online databases several years ago.)
After an initial period, frequency of access does not vary with
age of article, and stays pretty constant with time (after
discounting for general growth in usage).

There is more evidence that easy online access leads
to changes in usage patterns.
For example, downloads from my home page
go to a variety of sources all over the world.
Some are leading to email correspondence from exotic places
like Pakistan, the Philippines, or Mexico.  This is not
surprising in itself, since those countries do have
technically educated populations that are
growing.  What is interesting
is that this correspondence predominantly refers to my papers
that had been downloaded electronically (and sometimes requests
copies of older papers that are not available in digital form,
and which the requesters had learned about from my home page).
This does suggest strongly that easy availability is stimulating
interest from a much wider audience.  This conclusion is also
supported by similar observations concerning correspondence
with people in industrialized countries.  Many come
from outside the universities or large research institutions that have
good libraries.  They would be unlikely to read my papers in
print.

The referrer field on requests shows in a small fraction of
cases where the requester found the URL.  In many
cases, such requests come from reading lists
in college or graduate courses.

As a final note, there are often spikes
in usage when one of my papers is mentioned in some
newsletter or discussion group.  For example, Bruce Schneier
publishes {\em CRYPTO-GRAM,} a monthly email newsletter on
cryptography and computer security.  It has a circulation
of about 20,000.  In early August 1999, it mentioned
a recent preprint of mine (which I had not advertised
much, and which is about to appear in a regular print
journal).  Over the next two weeks over a thousand
copies were downloaded.  I am convinced that this is
a higher figure than the number of times the printed
version will be read.
 
The {\em CRYPTO-GRAM} example as well as those of other
visits to my home page suggest that informal versions
of peer review are in operation.  A recommendation
from someone, or a reference in a paper that the reader
trusts, all serve to validate even unpublished preprints. 
Scholars pursue a
variety of cues in selecting what material to access.








\section{New forms of scholarly communication}
A popular destination on the AT\&T Labs - Research Web server
is my colleague Neil Sloane's {\em On-Line Encyclopedia of Integer Sequences,}
accessible from his home page, at
\linebreak
$\langle$http://www.research.att.com/$\sim$njas/$\rangle$.
In January 2000, it attracted more than 6\% of all
the hits to the AT\&T Labs - Research site.  
This ``encyclopedia'' is a novel 
combination of a database, software, and
now also a new online journal.  The integer sequence project
enables people to find out what the next element is in a
sequence such as

    0, 1, 8, 78, 944, 13800, 237432, ...

This might seem like recreational mathematics, but it is
very serious, as many research papers acknowledge the
assistance of Sloane's database (or, in earlier times,
his books on this subject).  It serves to tie mathematicians,
computer scientists, physicists. chemists, and engineers
together, and stimulate further research.  (For an account
of the project, see Sloane's recent paper \cite{Sloane}.)
It represents a novel form of communication
that could not be captured in print form.  

\begin{table}[htb]
\begin{center}
Table 4.  Requests to Neil Sloane's sequence server.  (Hosts for 1997
estimated).
\end{center}

$$
\begin{array}{crrl}
\mbox{month} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{\mbox{requests}} & \multicolumn{2}{c}{\mbox{hosts}} \\ [+.1in]
\mbox{Jan. 1997}&    6,646&      550&  \\
\mbox{Jan. 1998}&   33,508&     2,294 \\
\mbox{Jan. 1999}&   58,655&     3,996 \\
\mbox{Jan. 2000}&  135,843&     7,851 \\
\mbox{Jan 2001}&  222,795&     11,105
\end{array}
$$
\end{table}


Another popular site that is also a locus of mathematical
activity is Steve Finch's "Favorite Mathematical Constants" page,
$\langle$http://www.mathsoft.com/asolve/constant/constant.html$\rangle$.  
It is also showing rapid growth in usage (although one that is
harder to quantify, since monitoring software was changed less
than a year ago, so comparisons are harder to make).  Just as
with Sloane's integer sequence page, it is becoming a form
of ``portal'' to mathematics, one that does not fit easily
into traditional publications models.




\section{Conclusions and predictions}
Many discussions of the future of scholarly publishing have
been dominated by economic considerations.  Digitization has
often been seen as a solution to the ``library crisis,''
which forces libraries to cut down on subscriptions.
So far there has been little effect in this area, as
pricing trends have not changed much \cite{Odlyzko4}.

In the long run it has been clear that print would eventually become
irrelevant, aside from any economic pressures,
as it is simply too inflexible.  Gutenberg's invention
imprisoned scholarly publishing in a straitjacket that will
be discarded eventually.  However, the
inertia of the scholarly publishing system is enormous,
and so traditional journals have not changed much.  
They are in the process of migrating to the Web, but
operate just as they did in print.  However, we are
beginning to see the sprouting seeds of new ventures
that will lead to new modes of operations.  Still, it
will be a while before they become a sizable fraction of
the total scholarly publishing enterprise.

The large majority of scholarly publications are likely
not to change much for several decades.  However,
there will be growing pressure to make them easily
available.  In particular, scholars are likely to
press ever harder for free circulation and archiving
of preprints.  The realization will spread that
anything not easily available on the Web will be
almost invisible.  
Whether they like it or not, scholars are 
engaged in a ``war for the eyeballs''
just as much as commercial outfits,
and ease of access will be seen as vital.

Ease of access is likely to promote the natural
evolution of scholarly work.  There will be more
interdisciplinary research, and more survey 
publications.  Some of these trends are
beginning to appear in the data discussed in
this paper, and we are likely to get more confirmations
in the next few years.


\paragraph{Acknowledgements:}
I thank
Steve Finch,
Paul Ginsparg,
Jim Gray,
Eric Grosse,
Kevin Guthrie,
Stevan Harnad,
Steve Heller,
Patrick Ion,
Don King,
Kevin Kiyan,
Greg Kuperberg,
Leslie Lamport,
Steve Lawrence,
Carol Montgomery,
Gary Mullen,
Ann Okerson,
Kimberly Parker,
Robby Robson,
Carol Tenopir,
Ed Valauskas,
Hal Varian,
Tom Walker,
Herb Wilf,
for comments, corrections, and for providing helpful information.

%\nocite{*}
\bibliographystyle{plain}
\bibliography{refs}

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available at $\La$http://www.research.att.com/$\sim$amo$\Ra$"
}

@ARTICLE{Odlyzko5,
author="A. M. Odlyzko",
title="Internet growth: {M}yth and reality, use and abuse",
journal="iMP: Information Impacts Magazine",
month="November",
year="2000",
note="$\La$http://www.cisp.org/imp/november\_2000/odlyzko/11\_00odlyzko.htm$\Ra$.
Also available at $\La$http://www.research.att.com/$\sim$amo$\Ra$"
}

@ARTICLE{Odlyzko6,
author="A. M. Odlyzko",
title="Internet pricing and the history of communications",
journal="Computer Networks",
year="2001",
note="To appear.  
Also available at $\La$http://www.research.att.com/$\sim$amo$\Ra$"
}




@INCOLLECTION{O'Donnell,
author="J. J. O'Donnell",
title="The Pragmatics of the new: Trithemius, {M}cLuhan, {C}assiodorus",
booktitle="The Future of the Book", 
editor = "G. Nunberg",
publisher="Univ. California Press",
year="1996",
note="Available at $\La$http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/jod/sanmarino.html$\Ra$"
}

@BOOK{Rogers,
author="E. M. Rogers",
title="Diffusion of Innovations",
edition="3rd",
publisher="The Free Press",
year="1983",
note="(First edition, 1962)"
}

@MISC{Sloane,
author="N. J. A. Sloane",
title="My favorite integer sequences",
note="Available at $\La$http://www.research.att.com/~njas$\Ra$"
}


@MISC{StevensRB,
author="S. Stevens-Rayburn and E. N. Bouton",
title="``{I}f it's not on the {W}eb, it doesn't exist at all'': Electronic information resources - {M}yth and reality",
note="Available at $\La$http://www.eso.org/gen-fac/libraries/lisa3/stevens-rayburns.html$\Ra$"
}

@BOOK{TenopirK,
author="C. Tenopir and D. W. King",
title="Towards Electronic Journals: Realities for Scientists, Librarians and Publishers",
publisher="Special Libraries Assoc.",
year="2000",
}

@INPROCEEDINGS{TenopirKHMRS,
author="C. Tenopir and D. W. King and R. Hoffman and E. McSween and C. Ryland
and E. Smith",
title="Scientists' use of journals: {D}ifferences (and similarities) between
print and electronic",
booktitle="Proc. 22-nd National Online Meeting",
editor="M. E. Williams",
year="2000",
publisher="Information Today",
}



@BOOK{Trithemius,
author="J. Trithemius",
title="In Praise of Scribes: De Laude Scriptorum, {\em edited with Introduction by K. Arnold, translated by R. Behrendt}",
publisher="Coronado Press",
year="1974",
note="Original manuscript circulated in 1492, first printed in 1494"
}

@ARTICLE{Wiles,
author="A. Wiles",
title="Modular elliptic curves and Fermat's last theorem",
journal="Ann. Math. (2)",
volume="141",
year="1995",
pages="443--551",
}
