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\begin{document}
\begin{center}
{\Large\bf {Growth of the Internet}} \bigskip \\
K. G. Coffman and A. M. Odlyzko \smallskip \\
AT\&T Labs - Research \smallskip \\
kgc@research.att.com, amo@research.att.com \medskip\\
Preliminary version, July 6, 2001 \\
\vspace*{2\baselineskip}
{\bf Abstract} \\
\end{center}

The Internet is the main cause of the recent explosion of activity
in optical fiber telecommunications.  The high growth rates observed
on the Internet, and the popular perception that
growth rates were even higher, led to an upsurge in research,
development, and investment in telecommunications.  
The telecom crash of 2000 occurred when investors realized
that transmission capacity in place and under construction
greatly exceeded actual traffic demand.
This chapter discusses the growth
of the Internet and compares it with that
of other communication services.
% It also presents speculations about future developments.
Internet traffic is growing, approximately doubling
each year.  There are reasonable
arguments that it will continue to grow at this
rate for the rest of this decade.  If this happens,
then in a few years, we may have a rough balance
between supply and demand.  



\clearpage
\begin{center}
{\Large\bf {Growth of the Internet}} \bigskip \\
K. G. Coffman and A. M. Odlyzko \smallskip \\
AT\&T Labs - Research \smallskip \\
kgc@research.att.com, amo@research.att.com \medskip\\
\vspace*{2\baselineskip}
\end{center}

\setlength{\baselineskip}{1.5\baselineskip}

\section{Introduction}
\hsp
Optical fiber communications was initially developed for the
voice phone system.  The feverish level of activity that
we have experienced since the late 1990s, though, was caused
primarily by the rapidly rising demand for Internet connectivity.
The Internet has been growing at unprecedented rates.  Moreover,
because it is versatile and penetrates deeply into the
economy, it is affecting all of society, and therefore
has attracted inordinate amounts of public attention.

The aim of this chapter is to summarize the current state
of knowledge about the growth rates of the Internet, with
special attention paid to the implications for fiber
optic transmission.  We also attempt to put the growth
rates of the Internet into the proper context by providing
comparisons with other communications services.

The overwhelmingly predominant view has been that Internet
traffic (as measured in bytes received by customers)
doubles every three or four months.  Such unprecedented
rates (corresponding to traffic increasing by factors of
between 8 and 16 each year) did prevail (within the US) during the crucial
two-year period of 1995 and 1996, when the Internet first
burst onto the scene as a major new factor with the
potential to transform the economy.
However, as we pointed out in [CoffmanO1] (written in
early 1998, based on data through the end of 1997), by
1997 those growth rates subsided to approximate
the doubling of traffic each year that had been experienced
in the early 1990s.  A more recent study [CoffmanO2] provided
much more evidence, and in particular more recent evidence,
that traffic has been about doubling each
year since 1997.  (We use a doubling of traffic each year to
refer to growth rates between 70\% and 150\% per year, with
the wide range reflecting the uncertainties in the estimates.)

Other recent observers also found that Internet traffic is
about doubling each year.  The evidence was always plentiful,
and the only thing lacking was the interest in investigating
the question.  By the year 2000, though, the myth of Internet
traffic doubling every three or four months was getting
hard to accept.  Very simple arithmetic shows that such
growth rates, had they been sustained throughout the period
from 1995 (when they did hold) to the end of 2000, would have
produced absurdly high traffic volumes.  For example, at the
end of 1994, traffic on the NSFNet backbone, which was well
instrumented, came to about 15 TB/month.  Had just that
traffic grown at 1,500\% per year (which is what a doubling
every three months corresponds to), by the end of 2000, there
would have been about 250,000,000 TB/month of backbone traffic
in the U.S.  If we assume 150 million Internet users in the
U.S., that would produce a data flow of about 5 Mb/s for
each user around the clock.  The assumption of a doubling
of traffic every four months produces traffic volumes which
are only slighly less absurd.

The table below shows our estimates for traffic on the Internet.
The data for 1990 through 1994 is that for the NSFNet backbone,
and so is very precise.  It is incomplete only to the extent of
neglecting what is thought to have been small fractions of
traffic that went completely through other backbones.
The data for 1996 through 2000 are our estimates, and the
wide ranges reflect the uncertainties caused by the lack of
comprehensive data.
\\

\begin{table}[htb]
\begin{center}
Table 1.1.  Traffic on Internet backbones in U.S..  For each year,
shows estimated traffic in terabytes during December of that year. \\
~ \\
\begin{tabular}{lr}
year & TB/month \\ \hline
1990 & 1.0 \\
1991 & 2.0 \\
1992 & 4.4 \\
1993 & 8.3 \\
1994 & 16.3 \\
1995 &  ? \\
1996 & 1,500  \\
1997 & 2,500 - 4,000 \\
1998 & 5,000 - 8,000 \\
1999 & 10,000 - 16,000 \\
2000 & 20,000 - 35,000 \\
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\end{table}

Table 1.2 presents our estimates of the traffic on various
long distance networks at the end of 2000.  The voice network
still dominated, but was likely to be surpassed by the public
Internet within a year or two.  (For details of the measurements
used to convert voice traffic to terabytes, and related issues,
see [CoffmanO1].)  In terms of bandwidth, the Internet is already
dominant.  However, it is hard to obtain good figures, since,
as we discuss later, the bandwidth of Internet backbones 
jumps erratically.  In terms of dollars, though, voice still
provides the lion's share (well over 80\%) of total revenues.
We concentrate in this chapter (as in our previous papers,
[CoffmanO1, CoffmanO2]) on the growth rates in Internet traffic,
as measured in bytes.  For many purposes, it is the other measures,
namely bandwidth and revenues, that are more important.  The
reason we look at traffic is that we find more regularity
there, and in the long run, we expect that there will be
direct (although not linear) relations between traffic and
the other measures.  In particular, based on what we have
observed so far, we expect capacity to grow somewhat faster
than traffic.
\\


\begin{table}[htb]
\begin{center}
Table 1.2.  Traffic on U.S. long distance networks, year-end 2000. \\
~ \\
\begin{tabular}{ll}
network & traffic (TB/month) \\ \hline
US voice  & 53,000 \\
Internet & 20,000 - 35,000 \\
other public data networks & 3,000  \\
private line & 6,000 - 11,000  \\
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\end{table}



The studies of [CoffmanO1, CoffmanO2] led to the proposal of
a new form of Moore's Law, namely that a doubling of Internet traffic
each year is a natural growth rate.  This hypothesis is supported
by the estimates of Table 1.1, as well as by evidence presented
in [CoffmanO1, CoffmanO2] of many institutions whose data
traffic has been growing at about that rate for many years.
This ``law'' is discussed further in Section 8.
It is not a law of nature, but rather, like the Moore's Law
for semiconductors, a reflection of the complicated interactions
of technology, economics, and sociology.
Whether this ``law'' continues to hold or not will have
important implications for the fiber optic transmission industry.

Much of this chapter, especially sections 6-8, is based on our earlier 
studies [CoffmanO1, CoffmanO2].
In Section 2, we present yet more evidence of how often
popular perception and subsequent technology and investment
decisions are colored by myths that are easy to
disprove, but which nobody had bothered to disprove for
an astonishingly long time.  In Section 3, we look at historical growth
rates of various communication services, and how they compare to
the much higher growth rate of the Internet.  Section 4 is a brief
review of the history of the Internet.  Section 5 discusses
some of the various types of growth rates that are relevant
in different contexts.  Section 6 presents the evidence about
Internet traffic growth rates we have been able to assemble.
Section 7 is devoted to new sources of traffic that might
create sudden surges of demand, such as Napster.
% and the need for them to keep the networks growing.  
Section 8 discusses
the conventional ``Moore's Law'' and the analog we are
proposing for data traffic.  Section 9 suggests a way of thinking
about data traffic growth, based on an analogy with the computer
industry.
Finally, Section 10 presents our conclusions.



\section{Growth myths and reality}
\hsp
Internet growth is an unusual subject, in that it has been
attracting enormous attention but very little serious study.
In particular, the general consensus has been that Internet
traffic is doubling every three or four months.  Yet no
real evidence of that astronomical rate of growth was ever
presented.  As we discuss later, Internet traffic did grow
at such rates in 1995 and 1996, but before and since it
has been about doubling each year.

At this point, we would like to point out the need for
careful quantitative data in evaluating any claims about
growth rates.  Some examples of public claims that do
not match reality are presented in [CoffmanO2].  Here
we discuss another case, this one concerning the
widely held belief that any capacity that is installed
will be quickly saturated.  The British JANET network,
which provides connectivity to British academic and
research institutions, will be discussed in more detail
later.  What is important is that it is large (with
three OC3 links across the Atlantic at the end of 2000),
and has traffic statistics going back several years
available at $\langle$http://bill.ja.net/$\rangle$.
A press release, available at
$\langle$http://www.ja.net/press\_release/archive\_announce/index.html$\rangle$
as ``Increase in Transatlantic Bandwidth - 28 May 1998''
(but actually dated 3 June 1998), described what happened
when JANET's transatlantic link was increased from a single T3
to two T3s:
\begin{quote}
With effect from Thursday 28 May 1998, JANET has been running a second
T3
(45 Mbit/s) link to the North American Internet, bringing the total
transatlantic bandwidth available to JANET to 90 Mbit/s. ...
Usage of the new capacity has been brisk, with the afternoon usage
levels
reaching in excess of 80 Mbit/s. This is of course evidence of the
suppressed demand imposed by the single T3 link operating previously.
The
fact that usage has risen so quickly on this occasion is also indicative
of
the improved domestic infrastructures ... that now
exist.
\end{quote}

This quote certainly appears to support the claim that
demand for bandwidth is inexhaustible.  One could easily
conclude that traffic essentially doubled as soon as capacity
doubled.  The quote is imprecise, though,
since it does not say how often those ``afternoon usage levels''
are ``in excess of 80 Mbit/s,'' nor does it say how those usage
levels are measured.  The usage statistics for JANET, available
at $\langle$http://bill.ja.net/$\rangle$, enable us to obtain
precise information.  Table 2.1 shows the data the transfer volumes on
the more heavily utilized U.S. to U.K. part of the link, for
several days before and after the doubling of capacity of the
link.  (No data for May 27 is available, and the figures
for May 28, the day the second T3 was put into operation,
are suspiciously low, probably reflecting incomplete
measurements, so those are not included.)
\\

\begin{table}[htb]
\begin{center}
~~Table 2.1. Traffic from U.S. to the JANET network during
late spring 1998, when the capacity was doubled.

~ \\
\begin{tabular}{lrr}
day  &  GB  &  utilization  \\ \hline

Wed~~5/20 & 272.7 & 58.8\% \\
Thu~~5/21 & 275.5 & 59.4 \\
Fri~~5/22 & 265.1 & 57.1 \\
Sat~~5/23 & 202.7 & 43.7 \\
Sun~~5/24 & 189.8 & 40.9 \\
Mon~~5/25 & 211.2 & 45.5 \\
Tue~~5/26 & 267.2 & 57.6 \\
Wed~~5/27 \\
Thu~~5/28 \\
Fri~~5/29 & 286.6 & 30.9 \\
Sat~~5/30 & 209.7 & 22.6 \\
Sun~~5/31 & 199.9 & 21.5 \\
Mon~~6/01 & 318.1 & 34.3 \\
Tue~~6/02 & 319.2 & 34.4 \\
Wed~~6/03 & 295.9 & 31.9 \\
Thu~~6/04 & 343.2 & 37.0 \\
Fri~~6/05 & 322.4 & 34.7 \\
Sat~~6/06 & 208.3 & 22.4 \\
Sun~~6/07 & 202.7 & 21.8 \\
Mon~~6/08 & 338.0 & 36.4 \\
Tue~~6/09 & 307.2 & 33.1 \\
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\end{table}

What we observe is that although there was substantial growth
in traffic after the capacity increase, suggesting that the
transatlantic link had been a bottleneck, this increase was
far more moderate than the popular Internet growth mythology
or the JANET press release would make one think.
While capacity doubled, traffic increased by less than a third.



\section{Growth rates of other communication services}
\hsp
Telecommunications has been a growth industry for centuries,
but growth rates have generally been
modest, except for a few episodes, such as the beginnings
of the electric telegraph (cf. [Odlyzko3]).
For example, the number of pieces of mail delivered in the
U.S. grew by a factor of over 50,000 between 1800 and 2000,
but that was a growth rate of about 5.6\% per year.
(If we adjust for population increase, we find a growth
rate of about 3.5\% in the mail volume per capita.)
The number of phone calls
in the U.S. grew by a factor of over 230 between 1900
and 2000, for a compound annual growth rate of 5.6\%.
(The per capita growth rate was 4.2\% during this period.)
Long distance calls grew faster, about 12\% per year
between 1930 and 2000, and transatlantic calls faster
yet.  (There was just one voice circuit between the U.S.
and Europe in 1927, when service was inaugurated.  It used
radio to span the ocean.  This single low quality link
grew to 23,000 voice circuits to Western Europe by 1995,
for a compound annual growth rate of capacity of 16\%.)

One communications industry that has been growing very
rapidly recently is wireless communication.
Table 2.2 shows the growth of the U.S. cell phone industry,
with the number of subscribers as of June of each year, and
the revenue figures obtained by doubling those of the
first six months of each year (and thus seriously understating
the full-year figure).  In many other countries, wireless
communication has developed faster and plays a bigger role
than it does in the U.S..  Still, even in the U.S., at the
end of 2000, there were close to 100 million cell phones
in use, and the rate of growth was far higher than for
traditional wired voice services.
\\

\begin{table}[htb]
\begin{center}
Table 2.2.  Growth of U.S. cell phone industry \\
~ \\
\begin{tabular}{cr@{}ll@{}r@{}r}
year & \multicolumn{2}{c}{number of subscribers} &
\multicolumn{3}{c}{revenues}
\\
   & \multicolumn{2}{c}{(millions)} & \multicolumn{3}{c}{(millions)} \\
~ \\
1985 & ~~~~~~~~~~0&.20 & \$ &352 &~ \\
1986 & ~~~~~~~~~~0&.50 & &721 &~ \\
1987 & ~~~~~~~~~~0&.89 & &959 &~ \\
1988 & ~~~~~~~~~~1&.61 & &1,772 &~ \\
1989 & ~~~~~~~~~~2&.69 & &2,813 &~ \\
1990 & ~~~~~~~~~~4&.37 & &4,253 &~ \\
1991 & ~~~~~~~~~~6&.38 & &5,307 &~ \\
1992 & ~~~~~~~~~~8&.89 & &7,267 &~ \\
1993 & ~~~~~~~~~~13&.07 && 9,639 &~ \\
1994 & ~~~~~~~~~~19&.28 && 13,038 & ~\\
1995 & ~~~~~~~~~~28&.15 && 17,499 & ~\\
1996 & ~~~~~~~~~~38&.20 && 22,388 & ~\\
1997 & ~~~~~~~~~~48&.71 && 26,270 & ~\\
1998 & ~~~~~~~~~~60&.83 && 30,573 & ~\\
1999 & ~~~~~~~~~~76&.28 && 38,737 & ~\\
2000 & ~~~~~~~~~~97&.04 && 49,291 & ~\\
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\end{table}

The cell phone example is worth keeping in mind, since it
shows that volume of traffic or even the number of users
has only a slight correlation to value.  In the U.S. (unlike
several other countries),
there were more Internet users than cell phone subscribers
at the end of 2000 (around 150 million vs. about 100 million).
However, the revenues of the cell phone industry were far
higher than those of the Internet.  If we take a rough
estimate of 60 million residential Internet users, and
assume they pay an average of \$20 per month (both slight
overestimates),
we find that the total revenues from this segment come to
about \$15 billion.  Business customers, with dedicated
connections to the Internet, pay considerably less than that.
For example, the 2000 revenues from business
Internet connections of WorldCom (whose UUNet unit
has the largest backbone in the world, often thought to
carry over 30\% of the total backbone traffic)
were just \$2.5 billion (up from \$1.6 billion in 1999).

The conclusion of the previous paragraph is that
even in the U.S., basic Internet
transport revenues are less than half those of cell phones.
Yet volumes of traffic are far higher on the Internet.  The
average daily time spent by a subscriber
on a cell phone in the U.S. is about 8 minutes.
If we count wireless communication as taking 8 Kb/s (since
compression is used), we find that the total volume of traffic
generated by cell phone users in the U.S. at the end of 2000
was only about 1,500 TB/month, a tiny fraction of the
20,000 to 35,000 TB/month traffic on U.S. Internet backbones.
(Moreover, this comparison overestimates wireless traffic,
since most of the mobile calls are local, whereas backbone
traffic is by definition long distance.)

The comparison of revenues from Internet connectivity to those
of the cell phone industry leads naturally to the next topic,
namely a comparison with the entire phone industry.  As we
saw above, Internet revenues were under \$25 billion in
the U.S. in 2000.  On the other hand, the revenues of the
entire telephone industry (including wireless communication and
data services such as private lines leased by corporations)
were around \$300 billion that year.  Thus in terms of revenues,
the Internet is still small.  Furthermore, it is so intimately
tied to the phone industry that it is difficult to see what
its role is.  The basic technologies (fiber transmission, SONET,
and so on) that are used for Internet transport were developed
initially for voice telephony, but were easily adopted
for data.  (Some, such as SONET, will likely turn out to be
redundant, but are still widely used.)
At the transport level, voice has been carried as bits
for a long time.  What happened is that during the
late 1990s, the long distance telecommunications infrastructure
has changed.  It used to be dominated by the demands of
voice transport, and data was a small part of what it carried.
Now, however, its development is driven by data, especially
Internet.  For quite a long time, the volume of data was
extremely small, so that even though the growth rate was higher than
for voice, this did not affect the overall growth rate of
the infrastructure.  That was one reason the telecommunications
industry has repeatedly been surprised by the demand for
bandwidth in the 1990s.  Moreover, the transition from voice
to data domination was complicated by the presence of several
types of data, with substantially different growth rates.
We discuss this in more detail below.

Another reason that the recent upsurge in demand for bandwidth
was a surprise is that there had been several previous false
predictions that data traffic was about to explode.  The
excitement of the early 1990s about the ``telecommunications
superhighway''
and ``500 channels to the home,'' to be accomplished through
technologies such as hybrid fiber-coax, certainly led to
large financial losses and serious disappointments (cf. [Noll2]).
However,
there were even earlier periods of extremely rapid growth
followed by sudden deceleration.  For example, the number of
modems in the U.S. grew between 1965 and 1970 at about 60\% per year,
to over 150,000 at the end of that period [WalkerM].  Had that
growth rate been maintained, we would have had about 200 billion
modems in the U.S. by the end of 2000, clearly an absurd number.
Instead, it appears that growth in the 1970s followed the projections
made around 1970 (p. 297 of [WalkerM]), which predicted annual
increases of 25 to 30\%.  It is interesting to read the speculations
in [DunnL] about the supposedly rosy prospects for electronic cash,
distance
education, and other data services (as well as for Picturephone)
that were supposed to power the growth of networks.
In general, predicting what communications services society
will accept, and how it will use them, has been very hard,
cf. [Lucky1, Odlyzko2].  In particular, even recent history
is littered with technologies that seemed extremely promising
at one point, such as ISDN (cf. [Kleinrock, WuL]) or SMDS (Switched
Multimegabit Data Services - a high speed packet switched WAN tecnology), but
never attained more than a marginal role.

There are two aspects of the inability to forecast the
prospects of communications technologies that are worth
discussing at greater length.  One goes back to the earlier 
discussion of wireless telephony, and how the mobility
offered by cell phones appears to be more important for
many people than broadband Internet access.  
Sometimes, though, higher bandwidth did prevail.  In the
early days of telephony, there was widespread lack of
appreciation of how attractive it would eventually prove to be.
The telephone was used primarily for business
purposes, and the telegraph appeared to be adequate
for that to many.  Yet it was the phone that won, even though
it appeared to use bandwith very wastefully when compared to the telegraph,
and even though it encouraged what was often dismissed
as ``idle chatter.''
The attractions of instantaneous
personal interactions turned out to be crucial in leading
to an almost universal penetration of the telephone in
industrialized countries.  In the last four decades of
the 20th century, though, the telecommunications industry
several times attempted to extend its success with the voice telephone by
introducing videotelephony.  This service appeared to offer the
attraction of an even deeper level of communication than voice.
Yet prospective users have not only not embraced it, but have
in many cases treated it with hostility.  There is a growth
of videoconferencing, but even that is far slower than its
proponents had forecasted.  For a variety of reasons that
have not been completely explained, videotelephony does
not appeal to people for person-to-person communication.  
On the other hand, mobile narrowband voice
flourishes.

The other aspect of the dismal record in forecasting
the prospects of communications technologies that we now
consider is that of the nature of traffic carried.  
Data networks, which in commercial settings go back
about four decades, have spent essentially all this time
in the shadow of the much larger voice telephone network.
(They also benefited from being able to use the infrastructure
of the phone network, and were also constrained by its limitations,
but that is less relevant for us here.)   
It was therefore natural for networking experts to continuously
think of voice traffic, and in particular of the possibility
of eventually carrying it as data.  Looking further out, to
a stage where the progress of technology appeared to offer the
possibility of data networks becoming much larger than the
phone networks, it was also natural to think of enriching
the communications medium through the addition of video.
(See the projections of Estill Green [Green, Lucky2] and
Hough [Hough], for example.)
Later the huge volume of broadcast data (radio and especially
television) offered further possibilities for traffic
that could be carried on data networks.  The key point is
what was seen as eventually filling
data network was streaming multimedia traffic.  The Internet's
rise to dominance was a surprise for many reasons, but one
of the main ones was that it did not fit this model.
Although much current work on Internet technologies is
devoted to streaming multimedia, there are good reasons,
to be discussed later, why such traffic is not likely to
dominate.

Although it has proven hard to forecast which technologies
will be widely adopted, once a service
had been successfully introduced, it often showed regular
growth rates for extended periods of time [Odlyzko2].
The approximately 30\% annual growth rate that had been projected in
1970 for
data transmission (or, to be more precise, for the proxy for
actual transmission that is offered by the number of modems)
appears to have held not just in the 1970s, but in the 1980s and
most of the 1990s as well.
There are no comprehensive statistics (and there are measurement
problems, in that private lines, whose bandwidth is often taken
as a measure of the data traffic, can also be used for voice
transmission).  However, there are a few pieces of evidence
supporting those growth rates around 1980 in [deSolaPITH].
Those same growth rates appeared to also hold for long distance
private line transmission in the mid 1990s [CoffmanO1],
and for local data bandwidth in the late 1980s and most of
the 1990s [Galbi].  The comprehensive data summarized in
[Galbi] is especially interesting.  During that period, installed
computer power came close to doubling each year, and the new
``Information Economy'' was taking root, but this was
not reflected in the volume of data traffic.  This low rate
of growth in data transmission may have come from the high
cost and poor quality of data transmission, of from other
causes, such as lack of uniform standards that would enable
easy data communication between companies.  It may also
have been caused to a large extent by the slow rate at which
computation and communication technologies were adopted.  
Whatever the reasons, this low growth rate
of approximately 30\% a year (low by comparison to growth
of computing power) in data transmission was higher than that of voice
networks.  Hence
by the mid-1990s, the bandwidth of long distance data networks
(primarily private lines, used for intra-company communication)
was already comparable to that of the voice network [CoffmanO1].

The Internet has historically had a growth rate of close to
100\% per year in the traffic it carried.  As Table 1.1
shows, it was growing with striking regularity in the early
1990s at this rate.  Then it experienced a period of astronomical
growth in 1995 and 1996, and then reverted to an approximate
doubling each year in 1997, and has continued growing at
about that rate through the end of 2000.  The big question
is how fast it will grow in the future.  While the overwhelming
preponderance of opinion all through the end of 2000
was that Internet traffic was doubling every
three or four months, by early 2001 the consensus started
changing.  Some analysts even began projecting declines in
the growth rates to the 50\% per year range by around 2005.
And indeed, some sources of growth did dry up.  With the
crash of telecom stocks (caused largely by the realization
that expected demand and revenues were not materializing),
investments slowed, and many dot-coms that had been busily
filling transmission pipes with their content disappeared.
In a related development, corporate managements started
asking for detailed justifications for new data networking
expenditures, instead of rushing to endorse any proposals
that came along.  At various enterprises,
the growth rates of data traffic, which had been close
to doubling every year in the late 1990s, began to slow
down towards doubling every 18 or 24 months.  It is not
inconceivable that overall data traffic growth may be
moving back to its historical rate of around 30\% per year.
We do not think this will occur, but before considering
the reasons why (presented in detail in sections 6 to 9).
we look at the general history of the Internet and its
growth rates.  

At this point we just remark that the
dominant role of the Internet in communications, whether
in terms of bandwidth of networks, or popular consciousness,
is a fairly recent phenomenon.  There had been extensive
discussions of the ``Information Superhighway'' and the
``National Information Infrastructure'' for a long time.
Leading thinkers foresaw the possibilities for much
improved communication offered by new technologies, and
there was tremendous effort devoted to various systems.
However, the general expectation was that the
``Information Superhighway'' would be composed of a
very heterogeneous collection of (interconnected) networks.
This was true even as late as the beginnings of the Clinton
presidency, in 1993 and 1994 (cf. [NII]).  It was only
in the mid to late 1990s that the Internet was perceived
as evolving towards the all-encompassing network, carrying
all types of traffic.




\section{Internet history}
\hsp
The past 5-10 years have witnessed not only an explosion of
activity, but the creation of entirely new sectors
within the optical industry.  As the concept of WDM began to emerge,
many new companies developing WDM transport equipment came into
existence.  The newer enterprises pushed the older established equipment
vendors to more aggressive deployment schedules and a constant downward
trend for the corresponding prices of WDM transport equipment followed.
In what appeared to be an almost insatiable demand for 
more bandwidth, a situation arose that allowed the creation of the new
companies and the accompanying innovation.  Not only did new equipment
vendors emerge, but also new national scale 
carriers were created.  This trend is continuing as the concept
of optical layering/networking is gaining acceptance and new optical
equipment companies are being formed on a regular basis.
They
deal not only with ``traditional'' WDM transport equipment, but also
with terrestrial
ultra long haul systems, regional and metro optimized systems, and
various incarnations of optical cross connects.

There were hundreds of developments and contributions enabling this
burst of activity.   
Many of the technical innovations are described in this book and its 
predecessors.
However, perhaps the greatest single factor
that fueled this phenomena was the belief and perception that traffic
and hence needed capacity were growing at explosive rates.  This
is a remarkable fact, especially when one recalls that around 1990,
both the traditional carriers and most of their equipment vendors still
expected the traffic demands to not vary much from the voice demand
growths (which historically was around 10\% per year).  In fact
both
carriers and equipment vendors were arguing that WDM would not be needed
and that going to individual channel rates of at most 10 Gb/s would
be adequate.  Also, around 1995, the conventional wisdom was that 8
channel WDM systems would suffice well into the foreseeable future.  Now
it almost appears as if the pendulum has swung the other way.  Is too
much capacity being deployed and are many of the reported traffic growth
rates correct, and if so will they continue?

As we explained in the previous section, the early skepticism about
the need for high capacity optical transport was rooted in the reality
of the telecommunications networks.  Up until 1990, they were
dominated by voice, which was growing slowly.  Then, by the mid-1990s,
they became to be dominated (in terms of capacity) by private lines,
which were growing three or four times as fast.  And then, in the
late 1990s, they came to be dominated by the Internet, which was
growing faster still.  

Before we go through the 
analyses for the traffic growth on the
Internet we must first at least define the Internet and describe the
history and structure of it.    This is paramount in helping put much of
later described growth analyses into perspective.

When one now speaks of the Internet, it is usually described as an
evolution from ARPANET to NSFNET, and finally to the commercial Internet
that now exists.  Arguably, the phenomenal growth of the Internet
started in 1986 (more than 17 years after its ``birth'') with NSFNet.
However, the path was very complicated and full of many twists and turns
in its roughly 40 year history [Cerf, Hobbes, Leiner].

From the very
early research in packet
switching, academia, industry, and the US government have been intertwined
as partners.   Ironically, the beginnings of the Internet can trace
itself back to the Cold War and specifically to the launch of Sputnik in
1957.  The US
government formed the Advanced Research Project Agency (ARPA - the name
was later changed to DARPA, Defense Advanced Research Project Agency,
and later back to ARPA) the year after the launch with the
stated goal of establishing a US lead in technology and science (with
emphasis on applications for the military).  As ARPA was establishing
itself, there were several pivotal works [Klein1, Baran] in the early
1960s on
packet switching and computer communications.
These works and the efforts they
spawned laid many of the foundations that enabled the deployment of
distributed packet networks.  J.C.R. Licklider (of MIT) [LickC] wrote a
series
of papers in 1962 in which he ``envisioned a globally interconnected
array of computers which would enable `everything' to easily access data
and programs from any of the sites''.  Generically speaking, this idea
is not much different from what today's Internet has become.  Of
importance is the fact the Licklider was the first head of the computer
research program at DARPA (beginning in 1962), and in this role he was
instrumental in pushing his concept of networks.  Kleinrock
published both the first paper on packet switching and the first book on
the subject.   In addition, Kleinrock convinced several key players of
the theoretical feasibility of using packets instead of circuits from
communications.  One such person was Larry Roberts, one of
the initial architects for the ARPANET.  In the 1965-66 time frame ARPA
sponsored studies on ``cooperative
network of [users] sharing computers''[Leiner], and the first ARPANET
plans
were begun, with the first design papers on ARPANET being published in
1967.  Concurrently the National Physical Laboratory (NPL) in England
deployed an experimental network called the NPL Network making use of
packet switching.  It utilized 768 kb/s lines.

A year before the Moon landing, in 1968, the first ARPANET requests for
proposals were sent out, and the first ARPANET contracts were awarded.
Two of the earliest contracts went to UCLA to develop the Network
Measurement Center, and to Bolt, Beranek and Newman
(BBN) for the Packet Switch contract (to construct the Interface
Message Processors or IMPs - effectively the routers).

Kleinrock headed the Network Measurement Center at UCLA and it was
selected as the first node on the ARPANET.  The first IMP was installed
at UCLA and the first host computer was connected in September of 1969.
The second node was at Stanford Research Institution (SRI).   Two other
nodes were added at UCSB and in Utah, so that by the second half of
1969, just months past the first moon landing, the initial four node
ARPANET became functional.   This was truly the initial ARPANET, and
thus a case can be
made that this was when the Internet was born. The first message
carried over the network went from Kleinrock's lab to SRI.  Supposedly
the first packet sent over ARPANET was
sent by Charley Kline and as he was trying to log in the system crashed
as the
letter ``G'' of
``LOGIN'' was entered.

One of the next major innovations for the fledgling Internet (i.e.,
ARPANET) was the introduction of the first host-to-host protocol called
Network Control
Protocal or
NCP, which was first used in ARPANET in 1970. By 1972 all of the ARPANET
sites had
finished implementing NCP.  Hence the
users of ARPANET could finally begin to focus on the development of
applications - another paramount driver for the phenomenal growth and
sustained growth of the internet.   It was also in 1970 that the first
cross-country link was established for ARPANET by AT\&T between UCLA and
BBN (at the blinding rate of 56 kb/s).    By 1971, the ARPANET had grown
to 15 nodes and had 23 hosts.  However,
perhaps the most influential work that year was the creation of an email
program that could send messages across a distributed network.  (Email
was not among the original design criteria for the ARPANET, and its
success caught the creators of this network by surprise.)  Ray
Tomlinson of BBN developed this, and his original program was based on 2
previous ones [Hobbes].  Tomlinson modified
his program for ARPANET in 1972, and at that point its popularity
quickly soared.  In fact it was at this time that the symbol ``@'' was
chosen.  Arguably Internet email as we know it today can trace its
origins directly to this work.  Internet email was clearly one of key
drivers for the popularity (and hence the phenomenal traffic growth
demands) of the Internet and was the first ``killer app'' for
the Net.  It was every bit as critical to the Internet's ``success'' as
the spreadsheet applications were to the popularization of the PC.
Internet email provided a new model of how people could communication
with each other and alter the very nature of collaborations.

Although there was already considerable work being done on packet
networks outside the US, the first international connections to the
ARPANET (to England via Norway) took place in 1973.   To put the time
frame in perspective this was the same year that Robert Metcalfe did his
PhD which described his idea for Ethernet.  Also during this year the
number of ARPANET ``users'' was estimated to be 2000 and that 75\%
of all
the ARPANET traffic (in terms of bytes) was email.  One needs to note
that in only 1-2 years from its introduction onto the Internet email
became the predominant type traffic.  The same behavior took place
several years later for html (i.e., Web traffic), and to a somewhat
lesser degree, this was seen for Napster-like traffic within many
networks a few years later.

Several other key developments began to take place in the mid 1970s.
The initial design specification for TCP
published by Vint Cerf and Bob Kahn in 1974 [CerfK].  The NCP
protocol
which was being
utilized at the time, tended to act like a device driver, whereas the
future TCP (later TCP/IP) would be much more like a communications
protocol.  As is discussed later, the evolution from ARPANET's NCP protocol
to TCP (which in 1978 was split into TCP and IP) was critical in allowing
the future growth and scalability of today's Internet.    DARPA had
three contracts to implement TCP/IP (at the time still called TCP), at
Stanford (led by Cerf), BBN (led by Ray Tomlinson) and UCLA (led by
Kirsten).  Stanford produced the detailed specification and within a
year there were 3 independent implementations of TCP that could
interoperate.

It is noted that the basic reasons that led to the separation
of TCP (which guaranteed reliable delivery) from IP actually came out of
work that was done trying to encode and transport voice through a packet
switch.  It was found that a tremendous amount of buffering was needed,
in order to allow for the appropriate reassembly after transmission was
completed.   This in turn led to trying to find a way to deliver the
packets without requiring a guaranteed level of reliability.  In
essence, the UDP (User Datagram Protocol) was created to allow users to
make use of IP.
In addition, it was also in 1978 that the first
commercial version of ARPANET came into existence as BBN opened Telenet.

In 1981-82 the first plans were being made to ``migrate'' from NCP to
TCP.    It is claimed by some that it was this event (TCP was
established as THE protocol suite for ARPANET) was truly the birth of
the Internet - defined as a connected set of networks, specifically
those with TCP/IP.
A few years later (in 1983) another major development occurred, which
later enabled the Internet to scale with the ``explosive'' growth and
popularity of the future Internet.  This was the development of the name
server (which evolved into the DNS) [Cerf, Leiner].  The name server
was developed at
the University of Wisconsin [Hobbes]  This made it easy for people to
use
the network since hosts were assigned names and it was not necessary to
remember numeric addresses.   Much of the credit for the invention of the
DNS (domain
name server) is credited to Paul Mockapetris of
USC/ISI [Cerf].

The year 1983 was also the date for two other key developments on
ARPANET.  The first one was the cutover from NCP to TCP on the ARPANET.
Secondly, ARPANET was split into ARPANET and MILNET.   Although the road
was convoluted, this split was one of the key bifurcations points that
later allowed NSFNET to come into existence.  Soon thereafter (in 1984)
the number of
hosts on the ARPANET had grown
to  1000, and the next year in
1985 the first registered domain was assigned in March.

In 1985 NSFNET was created with a backbone speed of 56 kb/s.   Initially
there were 5 supercomputing centers that were interconnected.  One of
the paramount benefits of this was that it allowed an explosion of
connections (most importantly from universities) to take place.  Two
years later in 1987, NSF agreed to work with MERIT Network to manage the
NSFNet backbone.   The next year (1988) the process of upgrading the
NSFNet backbone to one based on T1 (i.e., 1.5 Mb/s links) was begun. In
1987 the number of hosts on the Internet broke the 10,000 number.  Two
year later in 1989 this had grown to around 100,000, and 3 years after
that in 1992 it reached the 1,000,000 value.   It is noted that if you
look at how the number of hosts had been growing from 1984 to 1992 that
it was still pretty much tracking a growth curve that was LESS than
tripling each year (i.e., doubling every 9 months).   In the 1985-86
time frame key decision was made that had very long term impact: that
TCP/IP would be mandatory for the NSFNet program.

In the 1988-1990 time frame a conscious decision was made to connect the
Internet to electronic mail carriers, and by 1992 most of the commercial
email carriers in the US were ``like the Internet''.  This was still
another development that cemented email as the single most important
application to take advantage of the Internet.

In 1990 the ARPANET ceased to exist, and arguably NSFNet was the essence
of the Internet.  The following year Commercial Internet Service
Providers began to emerge (PSI, ANS, Sprint Link, to name a few) and the
Commercial Internet Xchange (CIX) was organized in 1991 by commercial
ISPs to provided transfer points for traffic.  NSF's lifting the
restriction on the commercial use of the Net was again one of the
pivotal decisions.    This was again a key bifurcation point, in that
this helped set the stage for the complete commercialization of the Net
that would follow only a few years later.  In 1991 the upgrading of the
NSFNet backbone continued as the work to upgrade to a T3 (i.e., 45 Mb/s
links) began.   It also interesting to note that it was the next year
(1992) than the term ``surfing the Internet'' was first coined by Jean
Armour Polly [Polly], only two years before
the ARPAnet/Internet celebrated
its 25th anniversary.

It was in the 1993-1995 time period that several major events seemed
to emerge which fueled an almost explosive growth in the popularity of
the Internet.   One of the key ones was the introduction of ``browsers''
most notable Mosaic.   This led to the creation of Netscape that went
public in 1995.  Even as early as 1994 WWW (i.e., predominantly html)
traffic was increasing in volume on the Net.   By then it was the second
most popular type of traffic, surpassed only by ftp traffic.  However,
in 1995 WWW traffic surpassed ftp as the greatest amount of traffic.
In addition the traditional online dial up systems such as AOL, Prodigy
and Compuserve began to provide Internet access.

In 1996 the net truly became public with the NSFNet being phased out.
Soon thereafter major infrastructure improvements were made within the
transport part of the
Internet.  The Internet began to upgrade much of its backbone to
OC3-OC12 (up to
622 Mb/s) links, and in 1999 upgrades began for much of the Net to OC-48
(2.5 Gb/s) links.

\section{The many Internet growth rates}
\hsp
The Internet is very hard to describe.  By comparison, even the
voice phone system, which is a huge enterprise, far larger in
terms of revenues than the Internet, is much simpler.  In the
phone system, the basic service is well defined and simple
to describe.  The users have only limited ability to interact
with the system.  The Internet is completely different.
Users interact with the system in a multiplicity of ways,
on wildy different time scales, and there are
many complicated feedback loops.  The paper [FloydP] is
an excellent overview of the problems that arise in
attempting to simulate the Internet.

The problems of measuring the Internet are also formidable.
There are many different measures that are relevant.  In this
chapter, just as in the papers [CoffmanO1, CoffmanO2], we
will concentrate on traffic as measured in bytes.  For
the optical fiber telecommunications industry, it is capacity
that is most relevant.  Unfortunately there are numerous
problems in measuring capacity.  Much of the fiber is not
lit, and even when it is lit, often only a few wavelengths
are lit.  Finally, much of potential capacity is used for
restoration, through SONET or other methods.  In addition,
even at the levels of links used for providing IP traffic,
it is hard to obtain accurate capacity measurements, since
few carriers provide detailed data.  Further, this type
of capacity has a tendency to jump suddenly, as bandwidth
is usually increased in large steps (such as going from
OC3 to OC12, and then OC48, a phenomenon that contributes
to the low utilization of data links [Odlyzko1]).  
Thus there is little regularity in capacity growth figures.
On the other hand, we do find astonoshing regularity in
traffic growth, which leads us to propose that a form
of ``Moore's Law'' applies.  In the long run, we expect
that capacity will grow slightly faster than traffic, as
we explain later.

For many purposes other measures are important, such as
the number of users, how they spend their time, how many
and what types of commercial transactions they engage in,
and so on.  There are many sources of such data, and
useful references can be found at [Cyberspace, MeekerMJ, Nua].

    
\section{Internet traffic and bandwidth growth}
\hsp
Whether Internet traffic doubles every three months or just once a year
has huge consequences for network design as well as the
telecommunications equipment industry.  Much of the excitement about and
funding for novel technologies appear to be based on expectations of
unrealistically high growth rates ([Bruno]).  In this section we
briefly examine a variety of examples in an attempt to
understand the traffic growth rates that the Internet has experienced
over its lifetime.   There are places where the traffic is
growing at rates that exceed 100\% per year.  One such example is
LINX (London Internet Exchange).  Its online data, available at
$\langle$http://ochre.linx.net/$\rangle$,
clearly shows a growth rate of about 300\% from
early 1999 to early 2001.  There are also examples with growth rates
even higher, although those tend to be for much smaller
links or exchange points.  
However, there are also numerous examples of much more
slowly growing links.  In this section we briefly present growth rates
from a variety of sources, and attempt to put them into context.    In
an earlier study [CoffmanO1] in 1997 we found that the evidence supported a
traffic growth rate of about 100\% per year (doubling annually).  Four
years later, the general conclusion is that Internet traffic still
appears to be growing at about 100\% per year.  In other words,
we have not found any substantial slowdown in the growth rate.

Some recent reports and projections conclude that Internet
traffic is only about doubling each year, but claim that it
was growing much faster until recently, and that its growth
rate will continue to slow down.  In that view, the telecom crash
of 2000 was associated with a sudden decline in the growth rate of
traffic.  As far as we can tell, that is not accurate.  The
general rate of growth of traffic appears to have been remarkably
stable throughout the period 1997-2000.  As one of the most
convincing pieces confirming this claim, we cite the news story
[Cochrane], based on official figures from Telstra, the
dominant Australian telecommunications carrier.  This story reports
that Telstra's IP traffic was almost exactly doubling each
year between November 1997 and November 2000.  (The printed
version of this news story, but not the one available
online at the URL listed in [Cochrane], shows a very regular
growth, about 100\% per year, from the beginning of 1997 to
November 2000.)  Hence our conclusion is that the problem
the photonics industry is experiencing are not caused by
any sudden slowdown in traffic, but rather by a realization
that the astronomical growth rates that people had been
assuming were phantasies.

Most of this section is drawn from the more detailed account
in [CoffmanO2].  There are only a few new pieces of information.
For example, the China Internet Network Information Center
has statistics (at $\langle$www.cnnic.net.cn/develst/e-index.shtml$\rangle$)
of the Internet bandwidth between China and the rest of the world.
It grew from 84.64 Mb/s in June 1998 to 2,799 Mb/s in December 2000,
for a compund growth rate of 305\% per year.  Thus even in a rapidly
growing economy like that of China, where the Internet penetration
is low, and which is trying to catch up with the industrialized
world, traffic is only doubling about every six months.

The comparison of the international bandwidth for Australia and
China is instructive.  In December 2000, Telstra had about 1,000 Mb/s
to the rest of the world, about a third of Chinese bandwidth.  Thus,
making allowances for other Australian carriers, we can speculate
that Australia may be exchanging half as much traffic with international
destinations as China does, even though the latter has over 60 times 
the population.  This shows the degree to which countries can differ
in their intensity of Internet usage.  The data in [Cochrane],
showing that Telstra's IP traffic in November 2000 reached about
270 TB/month also shows that our general estimates for U.S.
backbone traffic are reasonable, since the U.S. is not only
larger than Australia, but also richer on a per capita basis
and has a better developed telecommunications infrastructure.

In the remainder of this section we examine
some of the data and trends from ISPs (Internet Service Providers), exchange
points, and residential traffic patterns, along with traffic from
``stable sources'' (such as corporate, research, and academic networks).

It is noted that the data for the first two sources (ISPs and exchange
points) is not nearly as complete nor reliable as only a few years ago.
However, much better data is available for the ``stable sources'', and
several are examined in much more detail later.  As a brief note on
conversion factors, traffic that averages 100 Mb/s is equivalent to
about 30 TB/month.  (It is 32.4 TB for a 30-day month, but such
precision is excessive given the uncertainties in the data we have.)

Unfortunately the largest ISPs do not release reliable statistics.  This
situation was better even a couple of years ago.  Much of the older data
was used in previous studies [CoffmanO1].  For example, MCI
used to publish precise data about the traffic volumes on their Internet
backbone.  Even though they were among the first ISPs to stop providing
official network maps, one could obtain good estimates of the MCI
Internet backbone capacity from public presentations. These sources 
dried up when MCI was acquired by WorldCom,
and the backbone was sold to Cable \& Wireless.  As was noted in
[CoffmanO1], the traffic growth rate for that backbone had been in
the range of 100\% a year before the change.

Today, one can obtain some idea of the sizes (but not traffic) of
various ISP networks through the backbone maps available at
[Boardwatch].  However, even those are not too reliable.  The only
large ISP in the U.S. to provide detailed network 
statistics is AboveNet,
at $\langle$http://www.above.net/traffic/$\rangle$.
Therefore, we looked at  this ISP in moderate detail.  We have recorded
the MRTG (Multi-Router Traffic Grapher) [MRTG] data for
AboveNet for March 1999, June 1999, February 2000, June 2000, November
2000, and April 2001.  The
average utilizations of the links in the AboveNet long-haul backbone
during those four months were 18\%, 16\%, 29\%, 12\%, 11\%, and 10\%,
respectively.
(The large drop between February and June 2000 was caused by deployment
of massive new capacity, including four OC48s. One of the reasons we
concentrate on traffic and not network sizes in this chapter is that
extensive new capacity is being deployed at an irregular schedule, and
is often lightly utilized.  Thus it is hard to obtain an accurate
picture of the evolution of network capacity.)  If one just adds up the
volumes for each link separately, one finds that
between March 1999 and April 2001, the total volumes of traffic
increased at an annual
growth rate of about 200\%.  However, this figure has to be treated with
caution, as actual traffic almost surely increased less than 200\%.
During this period, AboveNet expanded geographically, with links to
Japan and Europe, so that at the end it probably carried packets over
more hops than before.  Since we are interested in end-to-end traffic as
seen by customers (which can be thought of as the ingress 
and/or egress traffic 
into and/or out of "the network"), we have to deflate the sum of 
traffic volumes seen on
separate backbone links by the average number of hops that a packet
makes over the backbones (perhaps around 3).   Even when there is
reliable data for a single carrier, such as AboveNet, some of the growth
seen may be coming from gains in market share, both from gains within a
geographical region, and from greater geographical reach, and not from
general growth in the market.

We next look at Internet exchange points.
When the NSF Internet backbone was phased out in early 1995, it was
widely claimed that most of the Internet backbone traffic  was going
through the Network Access Points or NAPs 
(which are effectively interconnection vehicles), 
which tended to provide
decent statistics on their traffic.  Currently it is thought that only a
small fraction of backbone traffic goes through the NAPs, while most
goes through private peering connections.  Furthermore, NAP statistics
are either no longer available, or not as reliable. This is in sharp
contrast to the situation in 1998 [CoffmanO1].  As documented
elsewhere [CoffmanO2], there is very little that  can be reliably
concluded about current growth rates of Internet traffic by examining
the statistics of the public NAPs in the U.S.

However, the situation was slightly better when we examined a large
number of international exchange points.  These included LINX (the
London Internet exchange), AMS-IX (the Amsterdam Internet exchange), the
Slovak Internet exchange, HKIX (a commercial exchange created by the
Chinese University of Hong Kong, BNIX (located in Belgium), the INEX (an
Irish exchange), and FICX (the Finish exchange).  Some of these show
growth rates of only about doubling per year while others show much
faster growth rates. Traffic interchange statistics are hard to
interpret, unless one has data for most exchanges, which is virtually
impossible to obtain.  Much of the growth one sees can come from ISPs
moving from one exchange to another, moving their traffic from one
exchange to another, or else coming to an exchange in preference to
buying transit from another ISP.  Consider the specific case of LINX.
A large part of its growth is almost surely caused by more ISPs exchanging
their traffic there. Between March 1999, and March 2000, the ranks of
ISPs that are members of LINX have grown by about two thirds, based on
the data on the LINX home page.  Hence the average per-member traffic
through LINX may have increased only around 120\% during that year.

The traffic from residential U.S. customers will probably begin to
increase at a faster rate in the near future.   The growth in the number
of users is likely to diminish, as we reach saturation.  (You cannot
double the ranks of subscribers if more than half the people are already
signed up!)  However, broadband access, in the shape of cable modems and
DSL (and to a lesser extent fixed wireless links) will stimulate usage.
The evidence so far is that users who switch to cable modem or DSL
access increase their time online by 50 to 100\%, and the total volume
of data they download per month by factors of 5 to 10. A 5 or 10-fold
growth in data traffic would correspond to a doubling of traffic every
four months if everyone were to switch to such broadband access in a
year. However, that is not going to happen.  At the end of 1999, there
were about 3 million households in the U.S. with broadband access.  The
most ambitious projections for cable modem and DSL access call for about
13 million households to have such links in 2003, and between 50-60
million in the year 2007.  That is approximately a doubling each year.
(There was apparently almost a tripling in the ranks of households
with broadband access in 2000, but the telecom crash that wiped out
many of the ADSL providers has led to a slowdown in the pace of
deployment in 2001.)
The traffic from a typical residential broadband customer is likely to
grow beyond the level we see today, as more content becomes available,
and especially as more content that requires high bandwidth is produced.
Still, it is hard to see average traffic per customer among those with
broadband connections growing at more than 50\% a year, say.  Together
with a doubling in the ranks of such customers, this might produce a
tripling of traffic from this source.  Since the ranks of customers with
regular modems are unlikely to decrease much, if any, and since their
traffic dominates, it appears that the  most likely scenario will be for
the total residential customer traffic  growing no faster than 200\% per
year, and probably closer to 100\% per year. (Access from information
appliances, which are forecast to proliferate, is unlikely to have a
major impact on total traffic, since the mobile radio link will continue
to have small bandwidth compared to wired connections.)

We next consider traffic at various stable institutions, corporate,
academic, and governmental.
Growth in traffic can be broken down into growth in the number of
traffic sources, and growth in traffic per source.  For LINX, much of
the increase in traffic may be coming from an increase in member ISPs.
For individual ISPs, much of the increase in traffic may also be coming
from new customers. Yet in the end, that kind of growth is limited, as
the market gets saturated.  The rest of this section focuses  on rates
of growth in traffic from stable sources.  Now nothing is completely
stable, as the number of devices per person is likely to continue
growing, especially with the advent of information appliances and
wireless data transmission.    Hence we will consider growth in traffic
from large institutions that are already well wired, such as
corporations and universities.  Most corporations do not publicize
information about their network traffic, and many do not even collect
it.  However, there are some exceptions.  For example, Lew Platt, the
former CEO of Hewlett-Packard,  used to regularly cite the HP Intranet
in his presentations.  The last such report, dated September 7, 1998,
and available at 
$\langle$http://www.hp.com/financials/textonly/personnel/ceo/rules.html$\rangle$,
stated that this network carried 20 TB/month, and a comparison with
previous reports shows that this volume of traffic had been doubling
each year for at least the previous two years.  (As an interesting point
of comparison, the entire NSFNet Internet backbone carried 15 TB/month
at its peak at the end of 1994.)  Several other corporations have
provided data showing similar rates of growth for their Intranet
traffic, although some indicated their growth has slowed down, and a few
have had practically no growth at all recently.

Internal corporate traffic appears to be growing much more slowly than
the public Internet traffic.  Data for retail private lines as well as
for Frame Relay and ATM services show aggregate growth in bandwidth (and
therefore most likely also traffic) in a range of 30-40\% per year.  The
growth is slow for retail private lines, and fast for Frame Relay and
ATM.  These rates are remarkably close to the growth rate observed in
the late 1970s in the US, which was around 30\% per year [deSolaPITH].
Thus, it is the corporate traffic to the public Internet that is growing
at 100\% per year.  It is also important to note that in the year 2000
over two thirds of the volume on the public Internet appeared to be
business to business.   Thus, the acceleration on the overall growth
rate of data traffic to about 100\% per year from the old 30\% or so a
year appears to be a consequence of the advantages of the Internet, with
its open standards and any-to-any connectivity.

For the remainder of this section we concentrate on publicly available
information, primarily about academic, research, and government
networks.  These might be thought of as unrepresentative of the
corporate or private residential users.   Our view is just the opposite,
in that these are the institutions that are worth studying the most,
since they normally already have broadband access to the Internet, tend
to be populated by technically sophisticated users, and tend to try out
new technologies first.  The spread of Napster through universities is a
good example of the last point.  We believe that Napster and related
tools, such as Gnutella and Wrapster, are just the forerunners of other
programs for sharing of general information, and not just for
disseminating pirated MP3 files.  As we explained elsewhere, there is
already much more digital data on hard disks alone than shows up on
today's Internet. Further, this situation is likely to continue.

The prevalent opinion appears to be that in data networks, ``if you
build it, they will fill it.''  Our evidence supports this, but with the
important qualification that ``they'' will not fill it immediately.
That certainly has been the experience in local area networks, LANs.
The prevalence of lightly utilized long distance corporate links was
noted in [Odlyzko1].  That paper also discussed the vBNS 
(very High Speed Backbone Network) research
network, which was extremely lightly loaded.  Here we cite another
example of a large network with low utilizations and moderate growth
rates. Abilene is the network created by the Internet2 consortium of
U.S. universities [Dunn].  Its backbone consists of 13 OC48 (2.4
Gb/s) links.   Moreover, most of the consortium members had OC3 links
to it.   The average utilization in  June 2000 was about 1.5\%, and
by April 2001 it had grown to about 4.1\%.
Thus in spite of the uncongested access and backbone links,
traffic did not explode.  

Even on more congested links, it often happens that an increase in
capacity does not lead to a dramatic increase in traffic.  This is
supported by several examples.    Such examples include the University
of Waterloo, the SWITCH network, the NORDUNet network, the European
TEN-155 network, the Merit network, the University of Toronto, Princeton
University, and the University of California at Santa Cruz  [Coffman02]
.  Below we go into moderate detail for these networks.  Figure
6.1 shows statistics for the traffic from the public Internet to  the
University of Waterloo over the last 7 years.  Detailed statistics for
the Waterloo network are available at
$\langle$http://www.ist.uwaterloo.ca/cn/\#Stats$\rangle$, but Fig. 6.1
is based on additional historical data provided to us by this
institution. Just as for the JANET network discussed above, and the
SWITCH network to be discussed later, as well as most access links,
there is much more traffic from the public Internet to the institution
than in the other direction. Hence we concentrate on this more congested
link, since it offers more of a barrier.  We see that even substantial
jumps in link capacity did not affect the growth rate much.  Traffic has
been about doubling each year for the entire 7-year period.  (Overall,
the growth rate at the University of Waterloo has slowed down, to about
55\% from early 1999 to early 2000.  This was at least partially the
result of official limits on individual users that were imposed, limits
we will discuss later.)

\begin{figure}

\centerline{\psfig{file=Pwat3,width=5in,height=3.5in}}

Figure 6.1.  Traffic on the link from the public Internet to the
University of Waterloo.  The line with circles shows average traffic
during the month of heaviest traffic in each school term.  The step
function is the full capacity of the link.

\end{figure}


\begin{figure}
\centerline{\psfig{file=Pswitch7,width=5in,height=3.5in}}
\begin{center}
Figure 6.2.  Capacity of link between the Swiss SWITCH network
and the U.S., and traffic on it towards Switzerland.
\end{center}
\end{figure}



The same phenomenon of traffic doubling each year, no matter what
happens to capacity, can be observed in the statistics for the SWITCH
network, which provides connectivity for Swiss academic and research
institutions.  The history and operations of this network are described
in [Harms, ReichlLS], and extensive current and historical data is
available at $\langle$http://www.switch.ch/lan/stat/$\rangle$.  The data
used to prepare Fig. 6.2 was provided to us by SWITCH. As is noted in
[ReichlLS], the transatlantic link has historically been the most
expensive part of the SWITCH infrastructure, and at times was more
expensive than the entire network within Switzerland.  It is therefore
not surprising that this link tends to be the most congested in the
SWITCH network.  Even so, increasing its capacity did not lead to a
dramatic change in the growth rate of traffic. If we compare increases
in volume of data received between November of one year and January of
the following year, there was an unusually high jump from Nov. 1998 to
Jan. 1999, by 42\%.  This was in response to extreme congestion
experienced at the end of 1998, congestion that produced extremely poor
service, with packet loss rates during peak periods exceeding 20\%.
However, over longer periods of time, the growth rate has been rather
steady at close to 100\% per year and independent of the capacity of the
link.  More detailed data about other types of SWITCH traffic can be found
at
$\langle$http://www.switch.ch/lan/stat/$\rangle$, through the ``Public
access'' link.  The listings available there as of mid-2000, as well as
those from previous years, show that various transmissions tended to
grow at 100 to 150\% per year.  It is worth noting that capacity
grew faster than traffic, but not too much faster.

Merit Network is a non-profit ISP that serves primarily Michigan
educational institutions.  It has data available online at
$\langle$http://www.merit.net/michnet/statistics/direct.html$\rangle$
that goes back to January 1993.  This data was used to  construct the
graph in Fig. 6.3.  The data for January 1993 through June 1998 shows
only the number of inbound IP packets.   The data for months since July
1998 is more complete, but it is so complete, with details of so many
interfaces, that we have not yet determined the best way to use it.
Hence we have used only the earlier information for January 1993 through
June 1998. The resulting time series is a reasonable although imperfect
representation of a straight line, modulated by the periodic variations
introduced by the academic calendar.  The growth rate is almost exactly
100\% per year.

\begin{figure}
\centerline{\psfig{file=Pmich,width=5in,height=3.5in}}
\begin{center}
Figure 6.3.  Traffic from Merit Network to customers.
\end{center}
\end{figure}

The research networks that were examined have low utilizations.  It
should be emphasized that this is not a sign of inefficiency.  Many
novel applications required high bandwidth to be effective.  That (along
with some additional factors, such as the high growth rate, lumpy
capacity, and pricing structure) contributes to the general much lower
utilization of data networks than of the long distance voice network
[Odlyzko1]

The general conclusion that can be drawn from the examples listed in
this section (along with numerous other examples) is that data traffic
has a remarkable tendency to double each year.  There are of course
slower and faster growth rates.  Overall, though they tend to cluster in
the vicinity of 100\% per year.    To date the authors have not seen any
large institutions with traffic doubling anywhere close to three or even
four months.

The growth rates that are cited here, are often affected strongly be
restrictions imposed at various levels.  As described elsewhere
[CoffmanO1, CoffmanO2] , some of the explicit limits are
imposed by network administrators.  

The arrival of Napster (discussed in section 7) led many
institutions to either ban its use or else limit traffic rates to some
parts of the campus (typically student dormitories).  Push technologies
were stifled at least partially because enterprise network
administrators blocked them at their firewalls.  Email often has size
restrictions that block large attachments (and in some cases all
attachments are still banned).   Teleconferencing is only slowly being
experimented with on corporate intranets, and even packetized voice sees
very limited (although growing) use.

Similar constraints apply to most of the content seen on the Web.  As
long as a large fraction of potential users have limited bandwidth, such
as through dial modems, managers of Web servers will have an incentive
to keep individual pages moderate in size.  Thus, one can see that
Internet traffic is subject to a variety of constraints at different
levels.  Some are applied by network managers, others by individual
users, and the interaction of these constraints with the rising demands
is fundamental what produces the growth rates observed.

The ability to sustain the high growth rate of Internet traffic will
require the creation of new applications that will generate huge traffic
of volumes.  At current growth rates, by 2005 there will be 8 times as
much Internet as voice traffic (on the US long haul networks).  If voice
were packetized, in all likelihood the voice traffic would only account
for about 3\% of the Internet traffic.    Thus, voice traffic will not
fill the pipes that are likely to exit, and neither will traditional Web
surfing.    This will create a dilemma for service providers, network
administrators, and equipment suppliers:  to sustain the growth rates
that the industry has come to depend on, and to accommodate the progress
in technology, new technologies are needed.  Such applications will
appear disruptive to network operations today, and as such they often
have to be controlled.  However, tin the long run, they must be
encouraged.

\section{Disruptive innovation}
\hsp
It is often said that everything changes so rapidly on the
Internet that it is impossible to forecast far into the future.
The next ``killer app'' could disrupt any plans that one
makes.  Yet there have been just two ``killer apps'' in
the history of the Internet: email and the Web (or, more
precisely, Web browsers, which made the Web usable by the masses).
Many other technologies that had been widely touted
as the next ``killer app,'' such as Push technology,
(Push technology allows the sending of information directly to one's 
computer instead of the computer needing to actively go out and obtain it.)
have fizzled.  Furthermore, only the Web can be said
to have been truly disruptive.  From the first release
of the Mosaic visual browser around the middle of 1993,
it apparently took under 18 months before Web traffic became
dominant on Internet backbones.  It appears overwhelmingly
likely that it was the appearance of browsers that then
led, in combination with other developments, to that
abnormal spurt of a doubling of Internet traffic every
three or four months in 1995 and 1996.

What were the causes of the 100-fold explosion in Internet
backbone traffic over the two-year period of 1995 and 1996?
We do not have precise
data, but it appears that there were four main factors,
all interrelated.
Browsers passed some magic threshold of usability, so
many more people were willing to use computers and online
information services.
Users of the established online services, primarily
AOL, CompuServe, and Prodigy, started using the Internet.
The text-based transmissions of those services, which
probably averaged only a few hundred bits per second per
connected user, were replaced by the graphics-rich
content of the Web, so transmission rates increased to
a few thousand bits per second.  Finally, flat rate
access plans led to a tripling of the time that individual
users spent online [Odlyzko3], as well as faster growth
in number of users.

The Internet was able to
support this explosion in use because it was utilizing
the existing infrastructure of the telephone network.
At that time, the Internet was tiny compared to the voice
network.
It is likely
that the data network that handles control and billing
for the AT\&T long distance voice services by itself was carrying
more traffic than the NSF Internet backbone did at
its peak at the end of 1994.
Today, by contrast, the public Internet is rapidly moving
towards being the main network, so quantum jumps in traffic
cannot be tolerated so easily.

In late 1999, a new application appeared that
attracted extensive attention and led to many predictions
that network traffic would see a major impact.
It was Napster.
At the time numerous articles in the press
cited Napster's ability to ``overwhelm Internet lines'', and have
claimed that it has
forced numerous universities to ban or limit its use.  The
impression one got from those press reports
was that Napster was causing a quantum jump in Internet traffic, and was
driving the traffic growth rates well beyond the normal range.
However, upon close examination this does not appear to be completely
accurate, and the use of Napster has not increased growth rates
much beyond the annual
doubling or tripling rates, even within university environments,
where Napster is most popular.  That is not to say that is has not
resulted in huge amounts of traffic, nor that it has not had
serious impact on several major networks.

Napster provides software that enables users connected
to the Internet to exchange and/or download MP3 music files.  The
Napster (web) site matches users seeking certain music files with other
users who have those files on their computer.
The Napster system preferentially uses as sources of files
machines that have high bandwidth connections.  This means
that universities are the primary sources, since other
organizations with fast dedicated links, mainly corporations,
do not allow such traffic.  The result is that although
college students are often cited as the greatest users
of MP3 files, it is the traffic from universities that
gets boosted the most.  (Since that direction of traffic
is typically much less heavily used than the reverse one,
the impact of Napster is much less severe than if the
dominant direction of traffic were reversed.)  Regular modem
users are usually not affected, since their connections are too slow.
However, the proliferation of cable modems and DSL connections
that have ``always-on'' high bandwidth connectivity is leading
to problems for some residential users, especially since the
uplink is the one that invariably has the more limited bandwidth.

A key reason that Napster is of great interest to us is that similar
types of sharing applications effectively turn consumers of information
into providers of information.  (The World Wide Web was designed for
such information sharing, but for some types of files Napster and
its kin are preferable.)  These applications will effectively turn
the traditional consumer PCs into Internet servers which will output
large amounts of traffic to other users.
In Napster's case this has been predominantly MP3 music files,
but other programs, such as Gnutella, work with more general
data.  It is highly probable that such applications could
be one of the key applications that fuel the continued annual doubling
or tripling of data traffic.

Napster first became noticeable in the summer of 1999.  Its share of
the total Internet traffic on many of the university networks has grown
from essentially nothing to around 25\% of the total traffic by mid to
late 2000.   In [CoffmanO2] the traffic generated by Napster and
its impact on various networks was examined.  The amount
of Napster traffic that is reported by several university networks (such
as UC Santa Cruz, University of Michigan, University of Michigan,
Indiana, UC Berkeley, Northwestern University, and Oregon State
University to name a few) range from around 20\% at some to as high as
50\%.
However, the reported numbers are often very preliminary, and in some
cases they compare Napster traffic to total traffic,
while in others it appears that
the high values may represent a comparison only to the out traffic.
In any event this is a phenomenal growth rate for any single
application.   Since it started from zero 
and our data only goes out to about a year from that time,
it is
risky to extrapolate this initial explosion out indefinitely.
In most cases [CoffmanO2] Napster has had
a noticeable effect on the growth rate of traffic on
this campus, but not an outlandish one.

Several networks, such as that of the University of Wisconsin-Madison
that report Napster traffic making up as much as 30\% of the total are not
doing anything to limit Napster since they claim that they still
have plenty of bandwidth.  Others have imposed limits on the total
bandwidth available to the dormitories.

Aside from Napster,
occasionally even a large institution will experience a local
perturbation in its data traffic patterns caused by one particular
application.  For example, the SETI@home distributed computing project,
$\langle$http://setiathome.ssl.berkeley.edu$\rangle$, uses idle time
on about three million PCs (as of mid-2001) to search for signs of
extraterrestrial intelligence in signals collected by radio
telescopes.  This project is run out of the Space Sciences Institute
at the University of California at Berkeley, and within a year
of inception accounted for about a third of the outgoing campus traffic
[McCredi].  (Moreover, this was extremely asymmetrical
traffic, with large sets of data to be analyzed going out to
the participating PCs, and small final results coming back.
That most of the data went away from campus made this
application less disruptive than it would have been otherwise.)
Its disruptive effect is moderated by limiting its transmission
rate to about 20 Mb/s.  At the University of California at Santa
Cruz, a complete copy of the available genome sequence was
made available for public download in early July 2000.  This,
combined with coverage in the popular press and on Slashdot,
led to an immediate surge in traffic, far exceeding the
effects of Napster.  If the interest in this database continues,
it will require reengineering of the campus network.

The SETI@home project is interesting for several reasons.
It is cited in [McCredie] as a major new disruptive influence.
Yet it contributes only about 20 Mb/s to the outgoing traffic.
An increasing number of PCs and workstations are connected
at 100 Mb/s, and even Gigabit Ethernet (1,000 Mb/s) is
coming to the desktop.  This means that for the foreseeable
future, a handful of workstations will in principle be
capable of saturating any Internet link.  Given the
projections for bandwidth, a few thousand
machines will continue to be capable of saturating all the
links in the entire Internet.  Thus control on user traffic will have to
be exercised to prevent accidental as well as malicious
disruptions of service.  However, it seems likely that such
control could be limited to the edges of the network.
In fact, such control will pretty much have to be exercised
at the edges of the network.  QoS will not help by itself,
since a malicious attacker who takes over control of a machine
will be able to subvert any automatic controls.

Finally, after considering current disruptions from Napster
and SETI@home, we go back and consider browsers and the Web
again.  They were cited as disruptive back in 1994 and 1995.
(Mosaic was first released unofficially around the middle
of 1993, officially in the fall of 1993, and took off in
1994.)  However, when we consider the growth rates for
the University of Waterloo, for MichNet [CoffmanO1],
or for SWITCH (which apparently had regular growth
throughout the 1990s, according to \cite{Harms}), we do not
see anything anomalous, just the steady doubling of traffic
each year or so.  If we consider the composition of the
traffic, there were major changes.  For example, Fig. 7.1 shows the
evolution of traffic between the University of Waterloo
and the Internet.  (It is based on analysis of traffic during
the third week in each March, and more complete results are
available at
$\langle$http://www.ist.uwaterloo.ca/cn/Stats/ext-prot.html$\rangle$.)
The Web did take over, but much more slowly than on Internet
backbones.  There are no good data sets, but it has been claimed
that by the end of 1994, Web traffic was more than half of the
volume of the commercial backbones.  On the other hand, the
data for the NSFNet backbone, available at
$\langle$
http://www.merit.edu/merit/archive/nsfnet/statistics/.index.html$\rangle$,
show that Web traffic was only approaching 20\% there by the
end of 1994, a level similar to that for the University of
Waterloo.  Thus at well-wired academic institutions such
as the University of Waterloo and others that dominated
NSFNet traffic, the impact of the Web was muted.

\begin{figure}
\centerline{\psfig{file=Pwat9,width=5in,height=3.5in}}
\begin{center}
Figure 7.1.  Composition of traffic between the University of
Waterloo and the Internet.  Based on data collected in March of
each year.
\end{center}
\end{figure}

Perhaps the main lesson to be drawn from the discussion
in this section is that the most disruptive factor
is simply rapid growth by itself.  A doubling of traffic
each year is very rapid, much more rapid than in other
communication services.  Fig. 7.1 shows email and netnews
shrinking as fractions of the traffic at the University of Waterloo,
from a quarter to about 5\%.  Yet the byte volume of these
two applications grew by a factor of 12 during the 6 years
covered by the graph, for a growth rate of over 50\% per year,
which is very rapid by most standards.
If we are to continue
the doubling of traffic each year, new applications
will have to keep appearing and assuming dominant roles.
An interesting data point is that even at the University
of Wisconsin in Madison, which analyzes its data traffic
very carefully, about 40\% of the transmissions escape
classification.  That is consistent with information
from a few corporate networks, where the managers
report that upwards of half of their traffic is of
unknown types.  (A vast majority of network managers
do not even attempt to perform such analyses.)
This shows how difficult coping with rapid growth is.

\section{Moore's Law for data traffic}
\hsp
The approximate doubling of transmission capacity of each
fiber that as described in [CoffmanO2] is analogous to the famous
``Moore's Law'' in the semiconductor industry.
In 1965, Gordon E. Moore, then in charge of R\&D at Fairchild
Semiconductor,
made a simple extrapolation from three data points in his company's
product history.  He predicted that the number of transistors per chip
would about double each year for the next 10 years.  This prediction
was fulfilled, but when Moore revisited the subject in 1975, he
modified his projection for further progress by predicting that
the doubling period would be closer to 18 months.  (For the history
and fuller discussion of ``Moore's Law'', [Schaller].)
Remarkably enough, this growth rate has been sustained over
the following 25 years.  There have been many predictions
that progress was about to come to a screeching halt (including
some recent ones), but the most that can be said is that there
may have been some slight slowdown recently.  (For example,
according to the calculations shown in [ElderingS], the number
of transistors in leading-edge microprocessors doubles every 2.2 years.
On the other hand, the doubling period is lower for
commodity memories.)  Experts in
the semiconductor area are confident that Moore's 1975 prediction
for rate of improvement can be fulfilled for at least most of the next
decade.

Predictions similar to Moore's had been made before in other
areas, and in [Licklider] they were made for the entire spectrum
of computing and communications.  However, it is Moore's Law
that has entered the vernacular as a description of the
steady and predictable progress of technology that improves
at an exponential rate (in the precise mathematical sense).

Moore's Law results from a complex interaction of technology,
sociology, and economics.  No new laws of nature had to
be discovered, and there have been no dramatic breakthroughs.
On the other hand, an enormous amount of research had to
be carried out to overcome the numerous obstacles that
were encountered.  It may have been incremental research,
but it required increasing ranks of very clever people
to undertake it.  Further, huge investments in manufacturing
capacity had to be made to produce the hardware.
Perhaps even more important, the resulting products had
to be integrated into work and life styles of the institutions
and individuals using them.  For further discussions of
the genesis, operations, and prospects of Moore's Law, [ElderingSE,
Schaller].  The key point is that Moore's Law is
not a natural law, but depends on a variety of factors.
Still, it has held with remarkable regularity over many
decades.

While Moore's Law does apply to a wide variety of technologies,
the actual rates of progress vary tremendously among different
areas.  For example, battery
storage is progressing at a snail's pace, compared to microprocessor
improvements.  This has significant implications for mobile
Internet access, limiting processor power and display quality.
Display advances are more rapid than those in power storage,
but nowhere near fast enough to replace paper as the
preferred technology for general reading, at least not at any time in
the
next decade.
(This implies, in particular, that the bandwidth required for
a single video transmission will be growing slowly.)
DRAMs are growing in size in accordance with
Moore's Law, but their speeds are improving slowly.  Microprocessors
are rapidly increasing their speed and size (which allows for faster
execution through parallelism and other clever techniques), but
memory buses are improving slowly.  For some quantitative
figures on recent progress [GrayS].
From the standpoint of a decade ago, we have had tidal waves
of just about everything: processing power, main memory, disk storage,
and
so on.  For a typical user, the details of the PC on the desktop
(MHz rating of the processor, disk capacity) do not matter too much.
It is generally assumed that in a couple of years a new and much more
powerful machine will be required to run the new applications, and
that it will be bought for about the same price as the current one.
In the meantime, the average utilization of the processor is low
(since it is provided for peak performance only), compression
is not used, and wasteful encodings of information (such as
200 KB Word documents conveying a simple message of a few lines)
are used.  The stress is not on optimizing the utilization of
the PC's resources, but on making life easy for the user.

To make life easy for the end user, though, clever engineering
is employed.  Because the tidal waves of different technologies
are advancing at different rates, optimizing user experience
requires careful architectural decisions [GrayS, HennessyP].
In particular, since processing power and storage capacity are
growing the fastest, while communication within a PC
is improving much more slowly,
elaborate memory hierarchies are built.  They start with magnetic
hard disks, and proceed through several levels of caches, invisibly
to the user.  The resulting architecture has several interesting
implications, explored in [GrayS].
For example, mirroring disks is becoming preferable to RAID
(Redundant Arrays of Inexpensive Disks)
fault tolerant schemes that are far more efficient but slower.
\\*[1ex]

\begin{table}[htb]
\begin{center}
Table 8.1.  Worldwide hard disk drive market.  (Based on Sept. 1998 
and Aug. 2000 IDC reports.)
~ \\ [+.2in]
\begin{tabular}{ccc}
year & revenues (billions) & storage capacity (terabytes) \\ [+.1in]
1995 & \$21.593 & 76,243 \\
1996 & 24.655 & 147,200 \\
1997 & 27.339 & 334,791 \\
1998 & 26.969 & 695,140 \\
1999 & 29.143 & 1,463,109 \\
2000 & 32.519 & 3,222,153 \\
2001 & 36.219 & 7,239,972 \\
2002 & 40.683 & 15,424,824 \\
2003 &        & 30,239,756 \\
2004 &        & 56,558,700
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\end{table}


The density of magnetic disk storage increased at about 30\%
per year from 1956 to 1991, doubling every two and a half years
[Economist].  (Total deployed storage capacity increased faster,
as the number of disks shipped grew.)
In the 1990s, the growth rate accelerated,
and in the late 1990s increased yet again.  By some accounts,
the densities in disk drives are about doubling each
year.  For our purposes, the most relevant figure will be
total storage of disk drives.  Table 8.1 shows data from
an IDC study, which shows storage capacity shipped each
year just about doubling through the year 2000, and then
slowing down.  However, that study was prepared in 1998,
and since then IDC has revised upwards its estimates for
disk storage systems towards a continuation of the doubling
trend.  Similar projections from Disk/Trend
($\langle$http://www.disktrend.com/$\rangle$) also suggest that
the total capacity of disk drives shipped will continue
doubling through at least the year 2002.
Given the advances in research on magnetic storage,
it seems that a doubling each year until the year 2010
might be achievable (with some contribution from higher
revenues, as shown in Table 8.1, but most coming from
better technology).  After about 2010, it appears that
magnetic storage progress will be facing serious limits,
but by then more exotic storage technologies may become
competitive.

It seems safest to assume that total magnetic
disk storage capacity will be doubling each year
for the next decade.
However, even if there is a slowdown, say to a 70\%
annual growth rate, this will not affect our arguments
too much.  The key point is that storage capacity is likely
to grow at rates not much slower than those of
network capacity.  Furthermore, total installed storage
is already immense.  Table 8.1 shows that at the beginning
of the year 2000, there were about 3,000,000 TB of magnetic
disk storage.  If we compare that with the estimates
of Table 1.1 for network traffic, we see that it would
take between 250 and 400 months to transmit all the bits
on existing disks over the Internet backbones.
This comparison is meant as just a thought exercise.
The backbones considered in Table 1.1 are just those
in the U.S., whereas disks counted in Table 8.1 are
spread around the world.  A large fraction of the
disk space is spare, and much of the content is
duplicated (such as those hundreds of millions of
copies of Windows 98), so nobody would want to send
them over the Internet.  Still, this thought exercise
is useful in showing that there is a huge amount
of digital data that could potentially be sent
over the Internet.  Further, this pool of digital
data is about doubling each year.

An interesting estimate of the volume of information
in the world is presented in [Lesk].
It shows that already in the year 1997 we were
on the threshold of being able
to store all data that has ever been generated (meaning
books, movies, music, and so on) in
digital format on hard disks.  By now we are well
past that threshold, so future growth in disk capacities
will have be devoted to other types of data that we have
not dealt with before.  Some of that capacity will surely
be devoted to duplicate storage (such as a separate copy
of an increasingly bloated operating system on each
machine).  Most of the storage, though, will have to
be filled by new types of data.  The same process that
is yielding faster processors and larger memories is
also leading to improved cameras and sensors.
These will yield huge amounts of new data, that had not
been available before.  It appears impossible to predict
precisely what type of data this will be.
Much is likely to be
video storage, from cameras set up as security measures,
or else ones that record our every movement.  There could
also be huge amounts of data from medical sensors on
our bodies.  What is clear, though, is that ``[t]he
typical piece of information will {\em never} be looked
at by a human being'' \cite{Lesk}.
There will simply not be enough of the traditional
``content'' (books, movies, music), nor even of the
less formal type of ``content'' that individuals will
be generating on their own.

Huge amounts of data that is machine generated for
machine use suggests that data networks will also
be dominated by transfers of such data.  This was
already predicted in [deSolaPITH], and more
recently in [Odlyzko2, StArnaud, StArnaudCFM].  Given
an exponential growth rate in volume of data transfers,
it was clear that at some point in the future most of
the data flying through the networks would be neither
seen nor heard by any human being.
Thus we can expect that streaming media with real-time
quality requirements will be a decreasing fraction of
total traffic at some point within the next decade.

There will surely be an increase in the raw volume of streaming
real-time traffic, as applications such as videoconferencing
move onto the Internet.  However, as a fraction of total
traffic, such transmissions will not only  decrease eventually,
but may not grow much at all even in the intermediate future.
(Recall that at the University of Waterloo over the last 6 years,
the volume of email grew about 50\% a year, but as a fraction
of total traffic it is almost negligible now.)
The huge imbalance in volume of storage and capacities
of long distance data networks means that even the
majority of traditional ``content'' will be transmitted
as files, and not in streaming form.  For more detailed
arguments supporting this prediction [Odlyzko2].
This development (in which ``content'' is sent around
as files for local storage and playback) is already
making its appearance with MP3, Napster, and related
programs.

The huge hard disk storage volumes also mean that most
data will have to be generated locally.  There will surely
also be much duplication (such as operating systems,
movies, and so on that would be stored on millions
of computers).  Aside from that, there will surely be huge volumes
of locally generated data (such as from security cameras and medical
sensors) that will be used (if at all) only in
highly digested form.

The examples in [CoffmanaO2] support the notion that there is
a ``Moore's Law'' for data traffic, with transmission
volumes doubling each year.
Even at large
institutions that already have access to state-of-the art
technology, data traffic to the public Internet tends to follow
this rule of doubling each year.
This is not a natural law, but, like all other versions of
``Moore's Law,'' reflects a complicated process,
the interaction of technology and the speed with which new technologies
are absorbed.  A ``Moore's Law'' for data traffic is different from
those in
other areas, since it depends in a much more direct way on
user behavior.  In semiconductors, consumer willingness to
pay drives the research, development, and investment decisions
of the industry, but the effects are indirect.  In data traffic,
though, changes can potentially be much faster.
A residential customer with dial modem access to the Internet
could increase the volume of data transfer by a factor of about
five very quickly.  All it would take would be
installation of one of the software packages that prefetch
Web sites that are of potential interest, and which fill in
the slack between transmissions initiated by the user.
Similarly, a university's T3 connection to the Internet
could potentially be filled by a single workstation
sending data to another institution.  Thus any
``Moore's Law'' for data traffic is by nature much
more fragile than the standard ``Moore's Law'' for semiconductors,
for example.  Thus it is remarkable that we see so much
regularity in growth rates of data transfers.

Links to the public Internet are usually the most expensive parts
of a network, and are regarded as key choke points.  They
are where congestion is seen most frequently at institutional
networks.
Yet the ``mere'' annual doubling of data traffic even at institutions
that have plenty of spare capacity on their Internet links
means that there are other barriers that matter.
The obvious one is the public Internet itself.  It is often
(some would say usually) congested.  A terabit pipe
does not help if it is hooked up to a megabit link, and
so providing a lightly utilized link to the Internet
does not guarantee good end-to-end performance.  Yet that is
not the entire explanation either, since corporate Intranets,
which tend to have adequate bandwidth, and seldom run into
congestion, tend to grow no faster than
a doubling of traffic
each year.  There are other obstructions, such as servers,
middleware, and, perhaps most important, services and user
interfaces.  People do not care about getting many bits.
What they care about is the applications.  However,
applications take time to be developed, deployed, and
adopted.  To quote J. Licklider (who probably
deserves to be called ``the grandfather of the Internet'' for
his role in setting up the research program that led to
the Internet's creation),
\begin{quote}
A modern maxim says:  ``People tend to overestimate what can be
done in one year and to underestimate what can be done in five
or ten years.''

\hspace*{+3in}(footnote on p.~17 of [Licklider]) \\
\end{quote}
``Internet time,'' where everything changes in 18 months,
has a grain of truth, but is largely a myth.  Except for
the ascendancy of browsers, most substantial changes take
5 to 10 years.  As an example, it is at least four years
since voice over IP was first acclaimed as the ``next big thing.''
Yet its impact so far has been surprisingly modest.  It is
coming, but it is not here today, and
it won't be here tomorrow.  People take time
to absorb new technologies.

What is perhaps most remarkable is that even at institutions
with congested links to the Internet, traffic doubles or
almost doubles each year.  Users appear to find the Internet
attractive enough that they exert pressure on their
administration to increase the capacity of the connection.
Existing constraints, such as those on email attachments,
or on packetized voice, or video, as well as the basic
constraint of limited bandwidth, are gradually loosened.
Note that this is similar to the process that produces
the standard Moore's Law for PCs.  Intel, Micron, Toshiba,
and the rest of the computer industry would surely produce
faster advances if users bought new PCs every year.  Instead,
a typical PC is used for three to four years.
On one hand there is pressure to keep expenditures on new
equipment and software under control, and also to minimize
the complexity of the computing and communications support
job.  On the other hand, there is pressure to upgrade, either
to better support existing applications, or to introduce
new ones.  Over the last three decades, the conflict between
these two pressures has produced a steady progress in computers.
Similar pressures appear to be in operation in data networking.

In conclusion, we cannot be certain that Internet traffic
will continue doubling each year.  All we can say is that
historically it has tended to double each year.  Still,
trends in both transmission and in other
information technologies appear to provide both the
demand and the supply that will allow a continuing
doubling each year.  Since betting against such ``Moore's laws''
in other areas has been a loser's game for the last few
decades, it appears safest to assume that data traffic
will indeed follow the same pattern, and grow at close
to 100\% per year.

\section{Further economic and technical considerations}
\hsp
A frequently asked question concerns the elasticity of demand
for data transmission capacity.  However, for long-range
projections it might be more useful to think of analogies
with the computer industry.  In that industry product managers clearly
do think about elasticities in the short or intermediate
terms.  From a long-range perspective, though, what dominates
are the effects of Moore's Law.  Table 9.1 (drawn from [FishburnO])
shows a dozen years from the history of Intel.  The leading
microprocessor sold for roughly a constant price all during
this period.  However, its power was increasing at the
exponential rate given by Moore's Law.  Intel's total revenues
(and profits) grew, as more processors were being sold, but
this growth rate was considerably more modest than that
of the computing power.  Users found the increasing
computational power of new PCs sufficiently attractive that
they not only bought new PCs, but increased their total spending.
They did this even though most of that power was sitting idle, and it
was only the occasional bursts of recomputing a spreadsheet
or bringing up a presentation package that mattered. 
A similar evolution might take place in networking.
Total spending may (subject to business cycles) increase
at a moderate pace, while the bandwidth and traffic grow
at rates determined by technological progress.  If that
happens, we are likely to see traffic and capacity about
doubling each year, with capacity growth faster than
that of traffic.
\\



\begin{table}[htb]
\begin{center}
Table 9.1.  Intel and its microprocessors.  For each year lists the
most powerful general purpose microprocessors sold by Intel, its
computing power, price at the end of the year (in dollars), and
Intel's revenues and profits for that year (in millions of dollars). \\
~ \\
\begin{tabular}{llllll}
year & processor & mips & price & revenue & net profit \\ \hline
86 & 386 DX (16 MHz) & 5 & 300 & 1265 & -173 \\
87 & 386 DX (20 MHz) & 6 &  & 1907 & 248 \\
88 & 386 DX (25 MHz) & 8 &  & 2875 & 453 \\
89 & 486 DX (25 MHz) & 20 & 950 & 3127 & 391 \\
90 & 486 DX (33 MHz) & 27 & 950 & 3922 & 650 \\
91 & 486 DX (50 MHz) & 41 & 644 & 4779 & 819 \\
92 & DX2 (66 MHz) & 54 & 600 & 5844 & 1067 \\
93 & Pentium (66 MHz) & 112 & 898 & 8782 & 2295 \\
94 & Pentium (100 MHz) & 166 & 935 & 11521 & 2266 \\
95 & Pentium Pro (200 MHz) & 400 & 1325 & 16202 & 3566 \\
96 & ~ & ~ & ~ & 20847 & 5157 \\
97 & Pentium II (300 MHz) & 600 & 735 & 25070 & 8945 \\
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\end{table}




\section{Conclusions}
\hsp
Much of the almost hyperactivity within the optical fiber
telecommunications industry over the past few years can be traced to the
perceived and real growth of the traffic on the Internet.  We maintain
that the overall growth rate of the Internet for most of its existence
(despite some excursions) was remarkably close to ``doubling every
year'', and we anticipate that this rate will continue into the
foreseeable future.  In effect we see a type of Moore's law associated
with the growth of data traffic.  This type of growth rate is in sharp
contrast to the historical growth rates of various methods of
communications (including conventional mail, telegraph service, and
traditional voice phone service) that tended to be no greater (and
typically much less) than about 10\% per year.
Still, even though a doubling each year represents very fast growth, it is
only comparable to the rate of progress in transmission
capacity.  Hence we are unlikely to see the huge increases
in spending on optical communication that many business plans
had been based on.

Throughout the history of the Internet there have only been two ``killer
applications'':  email and the Web (including Web browsers).   Several events
conspired which allowed an unprecedented explosion (roughly 100 fold
increase) in Internet traffic in the 1995-1996 time frame, and the
Internet was able to handle this since it made use of the existing
telephone industry infrastructure.  Since the Internet is quickly
approaching the point at which it is the predominant network it is very
unlikely that such huge growth rates could be so easily supported in the
future.

It also appears that, aside from short-range perturbations,
there will be neither a ``bandwidth glut'' nor a
``bandwidth shortage'' going into the foreseeable future, in that supply
and demand will be growing at comparable rates.   As such it is very
likely that pricing will begin to play an even more important role in
the evolution of traffic.  Throughout most of the 1990s data
transmission prices were increasing.  However, there are recent signs that
they are beginning to decrease, and in some cases, especially across
the Atlantic and on major trans-continental routes in the U.S., they
have decreased dramatically.    If they begin to decrease rapidly in
general,
then many of the constraints on usage that exist today may very likely
start to ease.
We are likely to see capacity growing somewhat faster than traffic,
a continuation of the trend we have already seen in the last few
years.

We also believe that ``file'' transfers and not real time streaming will
remain dominant on the network.   Streaming real time transmissions will
undoubtedly grow in absolute terms, and as a fraction of the total
traffic it may increase for a while.  However, in all likelihood it will
eventually begin to decline as the demand for this type of traffic will
not be growing as fast as network capacity.  We foresee sharing
applications as a likely candidate to fuel traffic growth.   One of the
first major examples of this was Napster since it effectively turned
consumers of information into providers of information.  It is extremely
likely that such file sharing applications will be some of the key
applications that continue to fuel the annual doubling of
data traffic.



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